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Meet The Cathys: Your Guide To The Billionaires Behind Chick-fil-A

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On Friday, if all goes to plan, same-sex couples and their supporters will flood outlets of Chick-fil-A for a nationwide kiss-in. The LGBT community and their allies won’t be there for the love of waffle fries, but rather in protest of the fried chicken outlet’s increasingly public stance against gay marriage.
Friday’s kiss-in comes two days after Chick-fil-A Appreciation Day, the brainchild of one-time presidential candidate Mike Huckabee. The chain reported record-setting sales on Wednesday as supporters swarmed drive-thrus in a show of support.
In recent weeks, Chick-fil-A has become an unexpected totem for the religious right and the object of derision (and some lampooning) from equality advocates.
The fast food chain’s in-your-face Christian values aren’t exactly news. Forbes ran a story on The Cult of Chick-fil-A in 2007 and its stores close on Sunday to allow workers to attend church. Rather, it was company president Dan Cathy’s reaffirmation of his firm’s same-sex marriage stance that set off this most recent wave of protest.
In an interview with the Baptist Press in July, Cathy said he was “guilty as charged” in his support of what he describes as traditional marriage.
“We know that it might not be popular with everyone, but thank the Lord, we live in a country where we can share our values and operate on biblical principles,” Cathy said.
Cathy isn’t just the president and COO of Chick-fil-A, he’s an heir to a fried chicken fortune worth more than $1 billion. Dan and his brother Donald — who goes by the name Bubba — are the sons of company founder S. Truett Cathy, a devout Baptist raised in Depression-era Georgia. 91-year-old Truett went into the restaurant business in 1946, when he and his brother Ben opened an Atlanta diner they named The Dwarf Grill.
When Ben died three years later in a plane crash alongside another brother, Horace, Truett was left running the show. In 1967, he opened the first Chick-fil-A in the Greenbriar Mall, an Atlanta shopping center that still stands today. 45 years later, Truett remains CEO of a chain of more than 1,600 stores in 40 states. It’s the second largest fried chicken chain in the country — only KFC is bigger.
The company has gone from strength to strength in recent years, topping $1.1 billion in revenues for the first time in 2011, up from $976 million in 2010. Forbes pegged Truett Cathy as being worth $1.3 billion as of March’s World’s Billionaires list, although there’s no way of knowing exactly how that fortune is split among family members. We’re working on an updated net worth valuation for the Cathys ahead of this fall’s Forbes 400.
What is certain is that despite his official CEO title, Truett takes a backseat in the day-to-day running of Chick-fil-A. The 91-year-old makes only rare public appearances, most recently in May, when he accepted an honorary doctorate from Jerry Falwell’s evangelical Liberty University alongside Mitt Romney.
Cathy leaves son Dan to be the face of the operation, with Bubba overseeing Chick-fil-A’s other brands, the Dwarf House and Truett’s Grill restaurant chains. Truett’s only daughter Trudy isn’t involved with the firm itself, devoting her time to a Christian gap-year program called Impact 360 and working at camps run by the company’s controversial WinShape Foundation.

WinShape is the vehicle through which Chick-fil-A, and by extension the Cathys, have made about $5 million of donations to anti-gay marriage groups since 2003, with $1.9 million of that donated in 2010 to outfits including the Family Research Council and Marriage & Family Foundation. They’ve written checks to Exodus International, famous for “ex-gay” conversion therapy, and the Fellowship of Christian Athletes, whose website includes a testimonial from a coach “delivered” from homosexuality.
Chick-fil-A’s employees have also benefited from the Cathy family’s largesse, attending camps and retreats paid for by WinShape, as detailed in Forbes’ 2007 magazine story:
Loyalty to the company isn’t the only thing that matters to Cathy, who wants married workers, believing they are more industrious and productive. One in three company operators have attended Christian-based relationship-building retreats through WinShape at Berry College in Mount Berry, Ga. The programs include classes on conflict resolution and communication. Family members of prospective operators–children, even–are frequently interviewed so Cathy and his family can learn more about job candidates and their relationships at home. “If a man can’t manage his own life, he can’t manage a business,” says Cathy, who says he would probably fire an employee or terminate an operator who “has been sinful or done something harmful to their family members.”
There are no federal laws prohibiting Chick-fil-A operators from asking questions about religious or marital status in an interview. In 2007, Chick-fil-A’s then-general counsel Bureon Ledbetter told Forbes: “We want operators who support the values here.”
In the years since, Dan Cathy has insisted the chain has no anti-gay agenda, nor any policies that discriminate against either job applicants or diners. “We have no agenda against anyone,” he said in a statement following the controversial donation of free meals to an event supporting traditional marriage in 2011. “While my family and I believe in the Biblical definition of marriage, we love and respect anyone who disagrees.”
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The epic inside story of long-term criminal fraud at Ranbaxy, the Indian drug company that makes generic Lipitor for millions of Americans.

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By Katherine Eban
Ranbaxy1. The assignment
FORTUNE -- On the morning of Aug. 18, 2004, Dinesh Thakur hurried to a hastily arranged meeting with his boss at the gleaming offices of Ranbaxy Laboratories in Gurgaon, India, 20 miles south of New Delhi. It was so early that he passed gardeners watering impeccable shrubs and cleaners still polishing the lobby's tile floors. As always, Thakur was punctual and organized. He had a round face and low-key demeanor, with deep-set eyes that gave him a doleful appearance.
His boss, Dr. Rajinder Kumar, Ranbaxy's head of research and development, had joined the generic-drug company just two months earlier from GlaxoSmithKline, where he had served as global head of psychiatry for clinical research and development. Tall and handsome with elegant manners, Kumar, known as Raj, had a reputation for integrity. Thakur liked and respected him.
Like Kumar, Thakur had left a brand-name pharmaceutical company for Ranbaxy. Thakur, then 35, an American-trained engineer and a naturalized U.S. citizen, had worked at Bristol-Myers Squibb (BMY) in New Jersey for 10 years. In 2002 a former mentor recruited him to Ranbaxy by appealing to his native patriotism. So he had moved his wife and baby son to Gurgaon to join India's largest drugmaker and its first multinational pharmaceutical company.
When he stepped into Kumar's office that morning, Thakur was surprised by his boss' appearance. He looked weary and uneasy, his eyes puffy and dark. He had returned the previous day from South Africa, where he had met with government regulators. It was clear that the meeting had not gone well.
The two men strolled into the hall to order tea from white-uniformed waiters. As they returned, Kumar said, "We are in big trouble," and motioned for Thakur to be quiet. Back in his office, Kumar handed him a letter from the World Health Organization. It summarized the results of an inspection that WHO had done at Vimta Laboratories, an Indian company that Ranbaxy hired to administer clinical tests of its AIDS medicine. The inspection had focused on antiretroviral (ARV) drugs that Ranbaxy was selling to the South African government to save the lives of its AIDS-ravaged population.
As Thakur read, his jaw dropped. The WHO had uncovered what seemed to the two men to be astonishing fraud. The Vimta tests appeared to be fabricated. Test results from separate patients, which normally would have differed from one another, were identical, as if xeroxed.
Thakur listened intently. Kumar had not even gotten to the really bad news. On the plane back to India, his traveling companion, another Ranbaxy executive, confided that the problem was not limited to Vimta or to those ARV drugs.
"What do you mean?" asked Thakur, barely able to grasp what Kumar was saying.
The problem, said Kumar, went deeper. He directed Thakur to put aside his other responsibilities and go through the company's portfolio -- ultimately, every drug, every market, every production line -- and uncover the truth about Ranbaxy's testing practicesand where the company's liabilities lay.

Thakur left Kumar's office stunned. He returned home that evening to find his 3-year-old son playing on the front lawn. The previous year in India, the boy had developed a serious ear infection. A pediatrician prescribed Ranbaxy's version of amoxiclav, a powerful antibiotic. For three scary days, his son's 102° fever persisted, despite the medicine. Finally, the pediatrician changed the prescription to the brand-name antibiotic made by GlaxoSmithKline (GSK). Within a day, his fever disappeared. Thakur hadn't thought about it much before. Now he took the boy in his arms and resolved not to give his family any more Ranbaxy drugs until he knew the truth.
What Thakur unearthed over the next months would form some of the most devastating allegations ever made about the conduct of a drug company. His information would lead Ranbaxy into a multiyear regulatory battle with the FDA, and into the crosshairs of a Justice Department investigation that, almost nine years later, has finally come to a resolution.
On May 13, Ranbaxy pleaded guilty to seven federal criminal counts of selling adulterated drugs with intent to defraud, failing to report that its drugs didn't meet specifications, and making intentionally false statements to the government. Ranbaxy agreed to pay $500 million in fines, forfeitures, and penalties -- the most ever levied against a generic-drug company. (No current or former Ranbaxy executives were charged with crimes.) Thakur's confidential whistleblower complaint, which he filed in 2007 and which describes how the company fabricated and falsified data to win FDA approvals, was also unsealed. Under federal whistleblower law, Thakur will receive more than $48 million as part of the resolution of the case.
Fortune's account of what occurred inside Ranbaxy and how the FDA responded to it raises serious questions about whether our government can effectively safeguard a drug supply that last year was 84% generic, according to the IMS Institute for Healthcare Informatics, much of that manufactured in distant places. More than 80% of active pharmaceutical ingredients for all U.S. drugs now come from overseas, as do 40% of finished pills and capsules.
2. The dark side of the generics boom
Today's global market for generic drugs is $242 billion and growing. In America we have embraced generics as a vital way to control costs, a trend likely only to accelerate as health reform extends treatment to millions and our population ages.
Ranbaxy was the first foreign generics manufacturer to sell drugs in the U.S. and rose rapidly to become, today, the sixth-largest generic-drug maker in the country, with more than $1 billion in U.S. sales last year (and $2.3 billion worldwide). The company, now majority owned by Japanese drugmaker Daiichi Sankyo, sells its products in more than 150 countries and has 14,600 employees.
As our dependence on generic drugs from overseas has grown, so have questions about their oversight and safety. A report by the Government Accountability Office found that in 2009, regulators inspected only 11% of foreign drug manufacturing plants, while they inspected 40% of domestic ones.
The FDA has increased its inspections of foreign plants in recent years with a goal of reaching parity with the frequency of domestic inspections. It now has agents based in India and other countries. But even if the frequency were equal, the inspections themselves are not. Due to complex logistics, foreign inspections can last less than a week and allow companies weeks of advance notice, while domestic ones can last up to six weeks and are unannounced. "The reality is that we simply don't know what we're dealing with," says Dr. Roger Bate, an international pharmaceutical expert. "No one has actually gone into these sites to expose what's going on."
Fortune's investigation yields the first comprehensive picture of how one under-policed and far-flung generics company operated. It is not a tale of cutting corners or lax manufacturing practices but one of outright fraud, in which the company knowingly sold substandard drugs around the world -- including in the U.S. -- while working to deceive regulators. The impact on patients will likely never be known. But it is clear that millions of people worldwide got medicine of dubious quality from Ranbaxy.
The rough outlines of the fraud at Ranbaxy first emerged in a 2008 court filing by the Justice Department. But its extent and depth and the involvement of top company executives have not been previously revealed. Fortune has also uncovered evidence that the company's misconduct continued well into 2009, even after the FDA restricted the company's activities.
This account is based on more than 1,000 confidential Ranbaxy documents, including internal reports, memos, e-mails, hundreds of pages of FDA documents obtained through Freedom of Information Act requests, and court records. Fortune interviewed more than a dozen former and current employees, as well as 40 scientists, public health experts, patient advocates, congressional investigators, and regulators.
Ranbaxy declined multiple requests to make representatives available for interviews. Instead the company directed Fortune to a press release it issued on the day of its guilty plea. "While we are disappointed by the conduct of the past that led to this investigation, we strongly believe that settling this matter now is in the best interest of all of Ranbaxy's stakeholders," CEO Arun Sawhney stated in the release. "Ranbaxy has successfully launched several generic products recently and is well-positioned for future growth ... Our conduct is guided by our philosophy of 'Quality and Patients First.' " (A Daiichi Sankyo spokesperson says, "We cannot respond to [Fortune's] questions for legal reasons.")
As the Ranbaxy story makes vividly clear, generic-drug makers intent on breaking the rules -- especially those operating abroad -- can easily do so. Drug applications work on the honor system: The FDA relies on data provided by the companies themselves. "We depend on that information to be truthful," Gary Buehler, who headed the FDA's office of generic drugs for 10 years, said in December 2009. (Buehler has since taken a position at the U.S. unit of the Israeli generic-drug company Teva.) The approval system "requires the ethical behavior of the applicant," he said. Otherwise, "the whole house of cards will fall down."
FDA regulators contend that they responded aggressively to the wrongdoing at Ranbaxy. "Based on the evidence we had at the time," an agency spokesperson writes in e-mailed answers, "FDA acted appropriately within the scope of its authority to protect the public from drugs that failed to comply with federal quality standards." In 2008 the agency halted the importation of 30 different drugs from two of Ranbaxy's manufacturing plants in India and invoked a rare Application Integrity Policy, stopping the review of new drug applications from the Paonta Sahib manufacturing site until Ranbaxy proved their truthfulness.
In January 2012 the Justice Department placed Ranbaxy under a sweeping consent decree, describing the action as "ground breaking in its international reach." The decree prohibited the company from selling drugs in the U.S. that were made at several of Ranbaxy's Indian manufacturing plants until the quality could be verified. It also required the company to undergo independent auditing.

For all the actions taken by federal authorities, there is a deeply troubling aspect to the government's role in the saga of Ranbaxy. Even as ever more details of the company's long-running misconduct emerged, drug regulators permitted Ranbaxy to keep on selling many of its products.
Indeed, the FDA -- charged with protecting the safety and health of Americans -- went even further. Despite the agency's finding of fraud and misconduct, it granted Ranbaxy lucrative rights to sell new generic drugs. In the most high-profile example, in November 2011 the FDA allowed the company to maintain its exclusive first dibs on making the generic version of a medicine taken by tens of millions of Americans: Lipitor. In the first six months, this privilege allowed Ranbaxy to generate $600 million in sales of generic atorvastatin, as nonbranded Lipitor is known.
Should the FDA have been surprised, then, when problems emerged just a year later? In November 2012, Ranbaxy had to recall millions of pills after tiny glass particles were discovered in some of them. Even that, it turns out, was enough for only a temporary suspension, and the FDA permitted the company to resume sales in March.
"The real story is how poorly our government has responded to all of this," says Vincent Fabiano, Ranbaxy's former vice president of global licensing. He's one of a number of former company executives who spoke to FDA or other investigators about the company and then watched in increasing disgust as, for years, nothing seemed to happen. "Still as we sit here today," Fabiano says, "Ranbaxy is in business in the United States."
Dinesh Thakur
Dinesh Thakur
3. Fistfights and fraud
The company that Dinesh Thakur arrived at in June 2003 was bristling with ambition but had a seat-of-the-pants feel. Fistfights erupted at executive meetings. The vice president of clinical research chain-smoked four packs a day. At the New Jersey manufacturing plant, sensitive pharmaceutical ingredients wound up in the employee refrigerator next to the half-and-half.
In India, Thakur's job, as director of research information and project management, was to impose some order and transparency on the chaotic global pipeline. Even though Ranbaxy lacked polish, Thakur had no reason to doubt that it made safe, effective drugs.
In August 2004, as he confronted his assignment to investigate possible fraud at his own company, Thakur gave each of his project managers a part of the world and asked them to compare Ranbaxy's manufacturing data against the claims made to regulators. His own efforts began with a visit to a company regulatory official.
It was a depressing conversation. The official explained, Thakur says, that the company culture was for management to dictate the results it wanted and for those beneath to bend the process to achieve it. He described how Ranbaxy took its greatest liberties in markets where regulation was weakest and the risk of discovery was lowest. He acknowledged there was no data supporting some of Ranbaxy's drug applications in those regions and that management knew that, according to Thakur. After initially discouraging him, the official grudgingly directed him to begin his inquiry with the Africa portfolio. (The official, who has since left, disputes Thakur's account, asserting that management launched an investigation because it didn't know about the misconduct. He says Ranbaxy's conduct was "checked out" internally at that time, and he shared that information with the company.)
The heart of good manufacturing is documentation. Without it, there is no way to verify quality, investigate problems, or know whether your drug will improve health or harm it. Because the most minuscule changes can make the difference between a robust product and one that degrades and becomes toxic, each step must be recorded and validated. Any misrepresentation, mixing of data streams, or deviation from procedure invalidates -- and potentially adulterates -- the drugs.
To see how the process is supposed to work, Fortune visited a contract laboratory in Edison, N.J., Celsis Analytical Services, now part of AAIPharma, which helps companies assess whether they've met appropriate manufacturing standards. At Celsis, nothing goes untested or undocumented, from who has custody of logbooks to the water used to wash laboratory glassware. Results are recorded in black ink, then audited and verified in red ink. Wite-Out is banned to avoid the chance that someone would try to conceal data. No data are ever discarded, and no test results can be invalidated without triggering an inspection. When it comes to quality, says Mary Kubilus, then Celsis's director of site operations, "there is no 99%."
But in Gurgaon, as Thakur's project managers gathered data and interviewed company scientists and executives, he says, they stumbled onto Ranbaxy's open secret: The company manipulated almost every aspect of its manufacturing process to quickly produce impressive-looking data that would bolster its bottom line. "This was not something that was concealed," Thakur says. It was "common knowledge among senior managers of the company, heads of research and development, people responsible for formulation to the clinical people."
Lying to regulators and backdating and forgery were commonplace, he says. The company even forged its own standard operating procedures, which FDA inspectors rely on to assess whether a company is following its own policies. Thakur's team was told of one instance in which company officials forged and backdated a standard operating procedure related to how patient data are stored, then aged the document in a "steam room" overnight to fool regulators.
Company scientists told Thakur's staff that they were directed to substitute cheaper, lower-quality ingredients in place of better ingredients, to manipulate test parameters to accommodate higher impurities, and even to substitute brand-name drugs in lieu of their own generics in bioequivalence tests to produce better results.
After just 10 days of intensive research, Thakur's team had learned enough to send preliminary information on the Latin American, Indian, and the "rest of world" markets to Raj Kumar, who then compiled the findings into a four-page report for then-CEO Brian Tempest.

The confidential report laid bare systemic fraud in Ranbaxy's worldwide regulatory filings. It found that "the majority of products filed in Brazil, Mexico, Middle East, Russia, Romania, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Malaysia, African Nations, have data submitted which did not exist or data from different products and from different countries ..." The company not only invented data but also fraudulently mixed and matched data, taking the best results from manufacturing in one market and presenting it to regulators elsewhere as data unique to the drugs in their markets.
Sometimes all the data were made up. In India and Latin America, the report noted the "non-availability" of validation methods, stability data, and bio-equivalence reports. In short, Ranbaxy had almost no method whatsoever for validating the content of the drugs in those markets. The drugs for Brazil were particularly troubling. The report showed that of the 163 drug products approved and sold there since 2000, only eight had been fully and accurately tested. The rest had been filed with phony data because they had been only partially tested, or not at all.
For its HIV drugs, the report found that Ranbaxy had used ingredients that failed purity tests and blended them with good ingredients until the resulting mix met requirements. Such a mélange could degrade or become toxic far more quickly than drugs made from the high-quality materials required.
In a "private and confidential" e-mail sent to CEO Tempest along with his report, Kumar noted that "it appears that some of these issues were apparent over a year ago and I can not find any documents which sought to address these concerns or resolve the issues ..." Kumar emphasized that he could "not allow any information to be used for any dossier unless fully supported by data." He made it clear that he planned to follow the law.
Ranbaxy CEOs Brian Tempest and Malvinder Singh
Ranbaxy CEOs Brian Tempest and Malvinder Singh
5. The race to be first
Just three decades ago, generic drug companies in the U.S. were derided as patent breakers. They had no clear way to gain FDA approval, while brand-name-drug companies had a lock on the market. The 1984 Hatch-Waxman Act changed that. It created a pathway, the Abbreviated New Drug Application (ANDA), which allowed a generic drug company to simultaneously challenge a patent and demonstrate to the FDA that it could make a drug.
In the late 1980s several generic-drug companies were caught fabricating data and bribing FDA officials to gain approval. In the scandal's wake, the FDA tightened regulations. It required that a company make three large "exhibit" batches to demonstrate that it could dramatically scale up its manufacturing, undergo inspection, and use an independent company to perform bioequivalence tests before an ANDA was approved. The purpose, says David Nelson, who exposed the 1980s scandal as a senior investigator for the House Energy and Commerce Committee, from which he retired in 2009, was to "prevent the systematic submission of false information" to get FDA approval.
The ANDA offered a lucrative reward for the company that risked almost certain litigation by first challenging a patent. If successful, the company got six months of exclusive sales after the patent lapsed, allowing the generics company to charge up to 80% of the brand-name price during that period. After that, other generics companies could jump in, and the price would drop to about 5% of the original price. Being first was the real jackpot. Consequently, first-to-file status became such an obsession that generic-drug company executives camped out in the FDA parking lot to file their paperwork first.
Ranbaxy learned how to game this system, according to former employees. To hasten the pace of its applications, Ranbaxy sometimes skipped a crucial intermediate step. Instead of making three medium-size exhibit batches and testing those for bioequivalence and stability, as required, Ranbaxy tested earlier and much smaller research-and-development batches that were easier to control and less costly to make. In some FDA applications, it represented these as much larger exhibit batches and presented the data as proof. And then there was the ultimate shortcut: using brand-name drugs as stand-ins for its own in bioequivalence studies.
These deceptions greatly accelerated the pace of the company's FDA applications. They were also a grave public-health breach. Once Ranbaxy got FDA approval, it leaped straight into making commercial-size batches without any meaningful dry runs. The test results on file with the FDA were meaningless, and the drugs Ranbaxy was actually selling on the U.S. market were an unknown quantity, having never been comprehensively tested before.
6. "Look how good this company is!"
In May 2004, three months before Thakur embarked on his research, Dr. Kathy Spreen joined Ranbaxy's U.S. office as executive director of clinical medicine and pharmacovigilance. A 15-year veteran of Wyeth and AstraZeneca (AZN), she was there to help launch the company's brand products division, which planned to create new dosages and formulations of existing drugs. Spreen envisioned her job as that of a regulatory coach, to help guide Ranbaxy through the FDA's intricate system.
At first, the company's science seemed to exceed her expectations. She had been on the job a few months and was preparing slides for a presentation about the company's launch of Riomet, a version of the diabetes drug Metformin, when she noticed something remarkable. The data showing the concentration of Ranbaxy's drug in the bloodstream appeared to match that of the brand name perfectly. "Look how good this company is," she remembers thinking. "The bioequivalence data is superimposable on the drugs we are modeling."
About a month later, while comparing the data for Sotret, the company's version of the acne drug Isotretinoin, Spreen found it similarly superimposable on the brand-name data. That's when she began to worry. "If it's too good to be true," she recalls thinking, "it's probably made up."
By definition, data is tricky. Even two batches of the same drug made by the same company at the same plant under the exact same conditions will have slight variations. Test results for a similar or copycat drug made by a different company with a different formula should look different.
With her suspicions aroused, Spreen began asking her Indian counterparts to send underlying data that supported the test results. They repeatedly promised the information was on the way. When it didn't arrive, she got excuses: It was a "mess"; they'd be "embarrassed." She recalls begging, "I don't care if it's written on the back of toilet paper. Just send me something." But it never arrived.

Six other pharma veterans who worked for Ranbaxy in the U.S. as recently as 2010 tell Fortune they found themselves in a corporate culture like nothing they'd ever experienced. Executives approached the regulatory system as an obstacle to be gamed. They bragged about who had most artfully deceived regulators. Until 2005 the company didn't even have a functioning patient-safety department, and patient complaints piled up in boxes, ignored, uncategorized, and unreported to the FDA as required.
Spreen kept thinking that if only she could explain American regulations more clearly, Ranbaxy's executives would understand. But no amount of explaining seemed to change how the company did business. When sales of a diabetes drug were sluggish, she says, one executive asked Spreen if she could use her medical license to prescribe the drug to everyone in the company so they could record hundreds of sales. Spreen refused.
When she asked Ranbaxy's global manufacturing director to send documentation showing that an antibiotic acne gel was made with good manufacturing practices (GMP), he offered to send her an "impressive looking" certificate. To Spreen, it sounded like an offer to have one forged. She tried to explain, "The look of the certificate means nothing to me unless the FDA says it's GMP."
On a trip to India in mid-2004 Raj Kumar quietly confirmed to Spreen what she had already come to suspect: that crucial testing data for many of the company's drugs did not actually exist and submissions to regulators had been forged.
Ultimately, Spreen says she spent more than a year trying in vain to convince senior executives of the vital need to observe regulations before she finally quit in disgust in June 2005. "There was a total lack of understanding," she says, "of what it meant to be ethical and what it meant to actually protect the patient." Along with a number of Ranbaxy executives, Spreen was subpoenaed by congressional investigators to provide witness testimony. Reluctantly, she told them her story years ago -- but nothing ever came of it.
Ranbaxy lab workers
Ranbaxy lab workers
6. Breaking it to the board
CEO Tempest had assured Kumar that the company would do the right thing. So on an evening in late 2004, several months after assigning Thakur to dig up the truth, Kumar found himself before five members of the scientific committee of the board of directors, including Tempest and the chairman of the board.
Kumar had a PowerPoint presentation of 24 slides. It made clear that Ranbaxy had lied to regulators and falsified data in every country examined in the report. "More than 200 products in more than 40 countries" have "elements of data that were fabricated to support business needs," the PowerPoint reported. "Business needs," the report showed, was a euphemism for ways in which Ranbaxy could minimize cost, maximize profit, and dupe regulators into approving substandard drugs.
No market or type of drug was exempt, including antiretrovirals purchased by the U.S. and WHO as part of a program to fight HIV in Africa. In Europe, for example, the company used ingredients from unapproved sources, invented shelf-life data, tested different formulations of the drug than the ones it sold, and made undocumented changes to the manufacturing process.
In entire markets -- including Brazil, Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda, Egypt, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Peru, and the Dominican Republic -- the company had simply not tested the drugs and had invented all the data. Noting Ranbaxy's agreement to manufacture brand-name drugs, a slide stated, "We have also put our partners (Bayer & Merck (MRK) in Mexico and in South Africa) at risk by using suspect data."
Kumar proposed a drastic course: pull all compromised drugs off the market; repeat all suspect tests; inform regulators of every case of switched data; and create a process for linking the right data to the right drugs. As the PowerPoint stated, "A short-term loss of revenue is better than a long-term losing proposition for the entire business."
Kumar completed the presentation to a silent boardroom. Only one director, a scientist, showed any surprise about the findings. The others appeared more astonished by Kumar's declaration that if he was not given full authority to fix the problems, he would resign.
The silence told Kumar everything he needed to know.
Within two days of the board meeting, he submitted his resignation: "… given the serious nature of the issues we discussed," he wrote, his only choice was to withdraw "gracefully but immediately." He had been at Ranbaxy less than four months.
Kumar confirmed this account of the board meeting and in a statement noted that "support and desire to put things right, from my senior management team, the CEO, the Board of Directors and Chairman of the Board, was not forthcoming. This made my position untenable and I had no option but to resign." When reached by phone in September 2010, Tempest declined to comment. Citing a busy schedule, he said, "I think it's best we close the conversation." (Tempest did not respond to multiple messages in recent weeks.)
On Nov. 9, 2004, just days after the board meeting, it appeared to the outside world that Ranbaxy had made a strong commitment to quality. It withdrew from the WHO prequalified list all seven of its ARV drugs tested by Vimta Labs and pledged to retest and resubmit them. The move even won praise from some AIDS advocates who believed Ranbaxy had tackled the problem of a rogue contractor, Vimta, head on. But inside the company, as events would make clear in the following months, the executives had decided against disclosing any further problems. (In an e-mail, Vimta's technical director, Harriman Vungal, says the studies it performed for Ranbaxy were "carried out as required" and "were not intended for submission outside India. Ranbaxy, on its own, had submitted to other countries and Vimta was unaware of what was submitted to WHO or others.")
Thakur remained behind. But with Kumar's departure, he had lost his protection. Three months after the board presentation, the company's internal auditors arrived at his department for what they called a routine review. They stayed for 10 weeks, combing through his department's books and interviewing staff. In late April the company accused him of browsing porn sites from his office computer.
Thakur vehemently denied doing so. Furious, he got his network administrator to pore through the computer records and found that the corporate IT department had logged in to his division's servers and planted his IP address on several searches, Thakur asserts. On April 24, 2005, Thakur says, he presented Ranbaxy with evidence of computer tampering and submitted his resignation. He was done -- or so he thought.
7. "The last thing we want is another inspection ..."
By 2005, from a distance, Ranbaxy's ascent appeared unchecked. But inside the company, the incident of fraud at Vimta was like a teetering domino, threatening to topple hundreds of the company's drug applications worldwide. Not only had Thakur's team exhumed fraudulent filings, but goodwill groups and government regulators had become suspicious. They were asking for underlying data for a number of the company's drugs beyond those tested by Vimta.
The problem confronting Ranbaxy executives was almost unsolvable. Much of the raw data didn't match what the company had filed with regulators. It either didn't exist, didn't make sense, or had been fabricated. A refusal to share it would trigger further suspicion, which left company executives with two bad options: come clean, which could have disastrous consequences, or lie more.
This Catch-22 played out in a torrent of confidential e-mails obtained by Fortune, in which panicked and angry executives scrambled to contain the fallout. They copied Tempest and the future CEO, Malvinder Singh, on many of these e-mails. Now executive chairman of hospital network Fortis Healthcare, Singh declined multiple requests to be interviewed for this article. A spokesperson, Raghu Kochar, e-mailed a comment on Singh's behalf: "All suggestion of impropriety or misconduct in your queries is denied and rejected."
In February 2005 a Ranbaxy regulatory affairs executive wrote to colleagues regarding the company's application to sell the antibiotic cefuroxime axetil in Spain: "Please advice [sic] the way forward. This dossier was scheduled to go in Dec., 04. We have been waiting for your response for the last 2 months. We need to conclude this ASAP ..."
This e-mail triggered a terse reply from a company scientist. "During our discussion in Gurgaon on 27th Jan., I mentioned clearly that the data in our Archives and that of the filed one is Differing Entirely. So, I cannot send the data."

By 2005, the applications of 22 high-priority products needed routine updates in at least one country. All had been made at the Dewas manufacturing plant south of New Delhi and none had been tested adequately. "Data is not available for any of the products," the head of the stability group at Dewas wrote in an e-mail on which he cc'ed Tempest. One executive responsible for Europe objected strenuously to the filing of false data and wrote to colleagues, "I do not intend spending a stint in a European prison ..."
As part of the new plan, Ranbaxy decided to move all manufacturing for U.S. drugs and HIV medications for the PEPFAR program from the troubled Dewas plant to the newer Paonta Sahib facility in the hope that by severing links to the past fraudulent manufacturing -- and beginning to submit legitimate data on this group of drugs -- regulators would not detect the past misbehavior.
Publicly, company executives spun the change as a response to big American demand. "We have changed the site of manufacture of the product from Dewas to Paonta Sahib facility to facilitate handling high business requirements," a Ranbaxy executive wrote to a Unicef official on Jan. 8, 2005, explaining the shift for an AIDS drug.
But four days later, as the company prepared to resubmit its ARV data to WHO, the company's HIV project manager reiterated the point of the company's new strategy in an e-mail, cc'ed to CEO Tempest. "We have been reasonably successful in keeping WHO from looking closely at the stability data in the past," the manager wrote, adding, "The last thing we want is to have another inspection at Dewas until we fix all the process and validation issues once and for all."
ranbaxy-pills-614xa8. "It's just blacks dying."
Throughout the summer of 2005, Thakur tried to convince himself that the company's medicine was no longer his problem. He was jobless and piecing together haphazard consulting work. He feared for his family's safety. The company had a "reputation for threatening people, bullying people," he recalls. Thakur hired a security company, which posted a guard outside his home 24 hours a day.
On fitful nights, he lay awake with a map of the world in his head. It contained each of Ranbaxy's markets and the substandard drugs the company had made. He mentally reviewed the graphs he had prepared, each spelling out a hazard to patients that was almost certainly continuing. Not only had the FDA approved the company's PEPFAR drugs. In August, the WHO restored the company's ARVs to its prequalified list.
Thakur knew the drugs weren't good. They had high impurities, degraded easily, and would be useless at best in hot, humid conditions. They would be taken by the world's poorest patients in sub-Saharan Africa, who had almost no medical infrastructure and no recourse for complaints. The injustice made him livid.
Ranbaxy executives didn't care, says Kathy Spreen, and made little effort to conceal it. In a conference call with a dozen company executives, one brushed aside her fears about the quality of the AIDS medicine Ranbaxy was supplying for Africa. "Who cares?" he said, according to Spreen. "It's just blacks dying."
On Aug. 15, four months after resigning from the company, Thakur opened a Yahoo e-mail account and wrote under a pseudonym to top regulators in the U.S., Britain, the WHO, and Brazil. Posing as a company scientist and using broken English, he claimed that Ranbaxy was forcing him to falsify data. He got no reply. The letter was not nearly authoritative or detailed enough to penetrate the system.
Finally he wrote directly to FDA commissioner Lester Crawford and alleged that Ranbaxy was selling "untested, spurious, ineffective medication." He added, I "plead with you to put a stop to this crime."
Edwin Rivera-Martinez, then chief of investigations and preapproval compliance in the FDA's center for drug evaluation and research, wrote back and asked if Thakur would consent to a conference call. Thakur had initially hoped to set regulators on the trail but limit his own involvement. Reluctantly, he agreed.
To Thakur, the wrongdoing was black and white. He had given proof and expected action. But 10 days after the conference call, the FDA announced that it had approved Ranbaxy's application for the first pediatric-AIDS drug for the U.S. market, Zidovudine. "Given all the data you have in your possession today about the criminal activities of this company in registering ARVs with fabricated data, I am confused how the USFDA could give such an approval," Thakur wrote to Rivera-Martinez. The bureaucrat wrote back that because the drug had been approved before Thakur made contact, only actual proof of fraud could reverse the decision.
Though Thakur didn't know it at the time, the FDA had found his information credible and was moving to confirm it. In October 2005, less than two months after his first contact, Rivera-Martinez's division sent a request to the division of field investigations to perform high-priority inspections at Dewas, Paonta Sahib, and Ranbaxy's manufacturing division for raw ingredients, Matrix Labs. The memorandum recommended that the inspectors collect any documents on the day they requested them, since the "informant said that the firm has fabricated documents overnight during inspections."

The agency needed an unvarnished look at the company. But as was standard for an overseas inspection, it notified Ranbaxy almost three months in advance that it was coming. In January 2006, Thakur urgently relayed to Rivera-Martinez what he had learned from former colleagues: The senior leadership of the company was "camped out in the plant locations, both at Paonta Sahib and at Dewas," he wrote. "There is a massive cover-up effort underway to 'produce' " documentation that agency inspectors might request.
A team of FDA inspectors arrived at Paonta Sahib on Feb. 20, 2006, and stayed for five days. When they had last visited, in December 2004, without the benefit of inside information, the result had been a clean bill of health. This time, they knew where to look, and what they found was disturbing: Raw data was routinely discarded; the company's standard operating procedure approved the discarding and disregarding of data; patient complaints went uninvestigated; and stability testing was a shambles.
During stability testing, drugs are placed in chambers that resemble big refrigerators that can replicate different climates, and then they are tested at intervals to see when and how the drugs' ingredients break down. At Paonta Sahib, inspectors found stability chambers full of stray drug samples but no logbooks identifying the contents or the dates of when they were entered or tested. The inspectors also took and tested samples of Sotret, Ranbaxy's version of the acne drug Accutane, and found that it degraded far in advance of its expiration date.
The findings were serious. Four months later in a warning letter, the FDA said that it would not consider any new applications for drugs made at the site until the company could demonstrate corrections. But that did nothing to stop all the drugs that were already on the market, drugs that had been approved, or applications submitted from other sites. Rivera-Martinez sounded almost plaintive when he wrote to Thakur that spring: "We are under a lot of pressure to approve Ranbaxy's generic version of Pravastatin [a cholesterol-lowering drug] when the patent exclusivity runs out this Thursday."
It had been nine months since Thakur had first contacted the agency. He had watched as Ranbaxy got six new approvals. The FDA agent who had taken charge of his case tried to ease his frustration. "Imagine, if you will, that we were able to prove even half of what you have told us," she wrote to Thakur. "This would bring down the entire corporation. One of the largest in the world." She added, "To lose on a technicality would be a crime in itself."
Thakur wrote back, "It makes me wonder if all my efforts and troubles were worth anything at all." His FDA handler urged him not to lose hope. "The wheels of justice turn slowly," she wrote, "but they do turn."
9. The Great Valentine's Day Raid
On Feb. 14, 2007, Vincent Fabiano was at his desk at Ranbaxy's U.S. headquarters in Princeton, N.J., when a man he had never seen before walked into his office. "Who the hell are you?" Fabiano asked. "I'm an FDA criminal investigator," the man said. Fabiano noticed the gun on the man's hip and stepped away from his desk as directed.
The building was surrounded by police cars, and panic was spreading. "People were freaking out, crying," recalls a former employee. "They took every computer. There were people with guns." Employees called the search warrant the Great Valentines Day Raid.
As the news ricocheted from New Jersey to New Delhi, Ranbaxy issued a statement: "This action has come as a surprise. The company is not aware of any wrongdoing. It is cooperating fully with officials."
At the House Energy and Commerce Committee, which oversees the FDA, senior investigator David Nelson learned of the search warrant and immediately called the legislative office at the FDA. "What's going on?" he asked. "We can't tell you," came the response.
"The hell you can't," he snapped. "Your first obligation is to public health." But after what Nelson says were assurances from an assistant commissioner that the search warrant did not relate to drug quality or manufacturing, he assumed the issue was accounting fraud and put the matter aside.
The criminal investigation was humming. Ranbaxy executives were stopped in transit at American airports and questioned. The U.S. Attorney's office issued subpoenas, and the FDA tested close to 100 samples of Ranbaxy drugs.
Thakur, too, was immersed. But the deeper he got, the more worried he became about his legal jeopardy and the safety of his wife and children in India. He had no lawyer and little protection. Finally, in March 2007, almost two years after he first contacted the FDA, he learned of an organization that helps secure legal representation for whistleblowers.
Soon afterward, Thakur obtained a lawyer and deepened his level of involvement still further. He legally became a whistleblower -- the technical term is "relator" -- in the case against Ranbaxy and thus became eligible for up to a third of the government's financial recovery. "Up until that point," he says, "I had no idea what a whistleblower was."
10. Ranbaxy's new leadership
In January 2006, Malvinder Singh, the founder's grandson, succeeded Brian Tempest as Ranbaxy's managing director and CEO. At 33, with an MBA from Duke University, Singh was brash and competitive. The Indian business press dubbed him the Pharaoh of Pharma, and hailed him as an "out-of-the-box decision-maker."
Others viewed Singh as petulant and immature. "I want profit!" he would yell in meetings, two former employees recall. Among the staff, he was known for being preoccupied with his ranking on the Forbes list of India's 40 richest people. When he and his brother Shivinder fell from No. 9 in 2004 to No. 19 in 2005, despite $1.6 billion in assets, Singh seemed to blame the decline on a lack of employee loyalty, a former employee recalls.
His biggest problem was the FDA's decision not to accept new applications from the Paonta Sahib plant. Ranbaxy desperately needed a green light there. So in November 2006, Singh led a delegation to FDA headquarters to try to reverse the decision.
Up to that point, the company had hardly been conciliatory. When FDA inspectors had discovered the standard operating procedures that allowed for the discarding and disregarding of data, Ranbaxy blamed semantics. It wrote to the FDA, "We now understand the negative connotation that these words may have conveyed, but we can assure you" the company had "never thrown away or ignored" any data. Ranbaxy even disparaged the agency's science, claiming that FDA test results showing that Sotret degraded more quickly than stated were due to the FDA's inaccurate testing method. (Years later, in its 2013 guilty plea, Ranbaxy would admit that Sotret was one of the adulterated drugs it had sold.)
Singh and his team presented new quality-improvement plans to skeptical regulators. Unmoved, the regulators refused to lift the stay and upped the ante, asking Ranbaxy to turn over audits done by its outside consultant, Parexel, which the company was claiming were confidential. The meeting ended in a standoff.
On June 11, 2008, Singh stunned the Indian business world by announcing that he and his brother were selling their 34% stake in Ranbaxy to the Japanese drugmaker Daiichi Sankyo for $2 billion. Overall, Daiichi Sankyo shelled out $4.6 billion to take control of the company. Singh agreed to stay on for five years as CEO. Some in the Indian press portrayed the sale to a foreign company as a betrayal of national entrepreneurial pride. But it seemed Singh was cashing out at a propitious moment.
Three weeks later, the U.S. Attorney's office in Baltimore filed a motion in U.S. district court demanding that Ranbaxy hand over the Parexel audit documents. It alleged that the violations at Paonta Sahib "continue to result in the introduction of adulterated and misbranded products into interstate commerce with the intent to defraud or mislead."
On Capitol Hill, David Nelson was enraged. Despite the FDA's reassurances to the contrary, the case was all about drug quality. The FDA had "deceived the committee," he says. Furthermore, if the drugs were an ongoing threat, why hadn't the FDA stopped Ranbaxy from selling them?
By mid-July, the saga had reached new heights. Congress had begun investigating the FDA. The inquiry, by the House Energy and Commerce Committee's subcommittee on oversight and investigations, focused on the agency's alleged inaction. The new FDA commissioner at the time, Dr. Andrew von Eschenbach, defended the agency, explaining that the FDA had not stopped the drugs because the samples it had tested met specifications. But that wasn't exactly true. The agency's own testing had shown that Sotret degraded far more rapidly than the company claimed.
Everywhere the FDA had looked, its inspectors found fraud. Four months earlier, at a unit of Paonta Sahib, agency investigators discovered that supervisors who had supposedly overseen critical manufacturing steps weren't even at the plant on the days they signed off on the tests. "The culture of the company was corrupt to its core," says Nelson.
As congressional investigators turned up the heat, the agency finally cracked down. In September 2008, it announced it was restricting the import of 30 drug products made by Ranbaxy (11 of which had been approved after Thakur's first contact with the FDA three years earlier). The agency still did nothing to recall the very same drugs on pharmacy shelves all over America, despite finding that Ranbaxy had committed fraud on a massive scale.
Nelson says that under FDA rules, the agency should have required Ranbaxy to recall every one of its drugs and resubmit every application. "Why [should] this company, of all companies, be exempted from normal FDA policies?" he asks. "There's something here that just reeks."
As Ranbaxy's stock fell and questions loomed about the company's integrity, the deal with Daiichi Sankyo hung in the balance. Two months earlier, Malvinder Singh had gone on the attack. On a conference call with reporters in July, he depicted the company as the victim of corporate saboteurs. "A multinational and a leading Indian company are working in concert to bring our share price down," he said, without specifying the names. Despite the investigation, he said, "our business in the U.S. continues as normal." Daiichi Sankyo knew of the issues during its due diligence, he said, adding, "There is no change in the deal, and there is no exit clause in it."
The deal was on track. Did Ranbaxy level with its acquirer about what was going on? Tsutomo Une, Daiichi Sankyo's global strategy chief, who declined to address questions about Ranbaxy's manufacturing problems in a March 2010 interview with Fortune, said he didn't feel misled by Ranbaxy. As he put it, "I never thought that we were fooled."
11. What's in the suitcase?
For years, many of Ranbaxy's senior executives were expected to do what seemed like a small favor when they traveled to India: carry suitcases full of brand-name drugs that they were told were needed for research and development. At Ranbaxy's U.S. headquarters, suitcases were kept packed with drugs and waiting for the next traveler to India. To some executives, this seemed like a minor shortcut, possibly to cut shipping costs, avoid quarantine, or speed delivery.
Generic-drug companies often study small amounts of a brand-name product in order to reverse-engineer it or to reference it as a point of comparison in applications. But proper channels for purchasing and transporting such drugs are well established and have become "ironclad" since the 2001 passage of the Patriot Act, according to an independent quality-assurance expert.
At Ranbaxy, top executives skirted these regulations and sometimes oversaw the secretive ferrying of drugs, at the very moment when the company faced deadlines to resubmit data to regulators. Fortune was unable to conclusively determine what the suitcase drugs were used for. Some former employees suspect that the company used the brand-name drugs as a substitute for its own in testing (as employees had seen in previous instances), in order to generate pristine data showing how closely Ranbaxy's drug matched the brand it was seeking to replicate.
Whatever the purpose, what's clear is that some Ranbaxy staffers strenuously resisted being used as drug mules. In May 2004 a regulatory project manager refused to take French name-brand samples to India. He protested in an e-mail, "I will NOT be bring [sic] any samples with me, not only I believe is this company policy but I personally do not feel comfortable bringing samples in this manner."
An executive pushed back: "It is critical that the samples are carried by you. We cannot delay it." The employee flatly refused.
Malvinder Singh, then the company's worldwide head of pharmaceuticals, got involved. Through his secretary, he asked who would be taking charge of the samples and when they would reach Gurgaon. This triggered a response from the company's vice president for Europe: "Dear Malvinder, I need to explain to you how labour laws work within Europe. As taking these samples to India is in principal illegal we cannot force people to do so ... Normally however we find our people willing to take the risk."
So important was this to the company's business that the European vice president then went on to make an extraordinary suggestion to Singh: that CEO Tempest "and yourself have been passing through the U.K. on a regular basis and I would ask you to in future also make yourself available for carrying samples back." (Ultimately, another employee was found to carry those particular samples.)
In general, those who carried the drugs for Ranbaxy were given a letter claiming the products were for research and development and had no commercial value. This wasn't true. In June 2004, one executive got stopped by Indian customs with hundred of packs (worth thousands of dollars) of an antinausea drug, Kytril, that he hadn't declared. The drugs were seized, according to internal e-mails. In one, a Ranbaxy executive noted that this was "an illegal way of bringing the medicine in to India."
The illicit drug runs continued well after the company had pledged to the FDA that it would operate squarely within regulations. From 2007 to 2008 alone, 17 executives from the New Jersey office took undeclared drugs through Indian customs, four of them multiple times, according to a document given to the FDA.
In February 2009, a lawyer in the regulatory division at Ranbaxy's New Jersey headquarters got wind of an even more suspicious incident. Some months before, Ranbaxy had agreed to retest its troubled Sotret formulation and submit new data to the FDA. The executives promised the FDA that Ranbaxy would be entirely transparent in the process. In October 2008 the company purchased 12 boxes of a generic acne drug, isotretinoin, made by a competitor. Because of the drug's dire potential side effects, including birth defects if taken while pregnant, its sale is highly controlled under an FDA program called iPledge. All sales, expiration, and destruction of the drug must be reported.
The more the lawyer probed, the more concerned he became. He learned that a Ranbaxy senior director had overseen the medicine's unreported purchase from a pharmacist, who had dropped off the boxes at an employee's house. Another employee had hand carried the drugs to London, where one of the company's most senior regulatory executives -- whose job involved making sure that the company followed all regulations -- brought them to India in a suitcase.
When the lawyer reported the incident to the company's top U.S. executives, they told him to drop the matter. Remaining deeply uneasy, in March 2009, he wrote a memo to file, which Fortune obtained, documenting the incident. The company had not only violated the iPledge program, he wrote, but also had "likely violated U.S. Export Laws, U.K. Import and Export Laws and possible Indian Import Laws."
Not long after Ranbaxy purchased the isotretinoin, the company submitted its new data to the FDA, which approved it. Within a year the company was forced to start recalling its Sotret again because the drug was degrading faster than it was supposed to -- the very problem that had been occurring before.
12. Ranbaxy today: A reformed company?
In February 2009 the FDA punished Ranbaxy anew, labeling the company with the drug regulator's version of a scarlet "A": The agency imposed a so-called Application Integrity Policy. That meant a dramatic shift in the regulatory dynamic. No longer would the FDA have the burden of proving fraud if it wanted to block a Ranbaxy product. The onus had flipped, and now the company would have to prove its products weren't fraudulent in order to get them approved.
The AIP, which had previously been brought against drug companies only a handful of times in FDA history, covered all products manufactured at Ranbaxy's Paonta Sahib facility. The action left no doubt as to the depth and extent of the problem. The stock market responded accordingly. Ranbaxy shares fell 18% and took Daiichi Sankyo's down 9% with them. Facing a market disaster in the U.S., the corporate parents were clearly no longer sanguine about Ranbaxy's management. Within three months, Malvinder Singh stepped down as CEO. A Daiichi Sankyo spokesperson told the press at the time that the leadership change "strengthens Daiichi Sankyo's part" in Ranbaxy's management.
At its U.S. headquarters, the warning letters kept coming. In December 2009 the FDA issued one for a manufacturing plant in Gloversville, N.Y., with alarming findings like unexplained black particles in drugs that the company released into the market. "It is apparent that Ranbaxy's attempts to make global corrections after past regulatory actions by the FDA have been inadequate," the agency wrote.
Ranbaxy and the government had begun legal haggling to resolve the company's misdeeds. Inside Ranbaxy, with the generic-Lipitor launch in potential jeopardy, nervous executives mapped out different scenarios that could result from various FDA decisions.
The government seemingly had a trump card in the negotiations -- the final approval for Ranbaxy to sell generic Lipitor. Yet it seemed unable to bring a swift resolution to the process, as the company appeared to play for time. The FDA first sent a draft of the consent decree to Ranbaxy in August 2010, according to a document sent by an FDA lawyer. Six months later, Ranbaxy's lawyers responded, asking for revisions. In a letter to Ranbaxy's lawyers three months after that, an FDA attorney sent further revisions and tried to bring an end to the process, stating, "We believe this response reflects FDA's final position and look forward to Ranbaxy's prompt response which, in our view, should suggest only minor proposed revisions."
It would be eight more months, until January 2012, before the Justice Department announced the consent decree -- and then another 17 months of wrangling between armies of lawyers before the case ended on May 13.
Well before the final resolution, in November 2011, the FDA gave its final blessing for Ranbaxy's version of Lipitor. Asked about the decision to allow Ranbaxy to make Lipitor after its misconduct at two plants was revealed, an FDA spokesman asserts that the agency is required to evaluate a drug application on a "facility-specific basis." The company's "data integrity problems," he says, occurred at facilities different from where its generic Lipitor is manufactured. That's true -- but it leaves out the fact that Ranbaxy originally applied to make Lipitor at one of its Indian facilities, which was then blacklisted by the FDA. The agency permittedthe company to make a significant shift in its application: to switch the plant at which it would make the generic Lipitor. Ranbaxy now proposed making the drug in the U.S. at a facility that was not under FDA investigation.
Last November, Ranbaxy was back in the headlines with some very unwelcome news -- the company had detected tiny glass particles in its Lipitor. It had to recall millions of pills and temporarily halt production. Says the FDA spokesperson, "The fact that there were some quality problems that led to a limited recall of the generic product was not a result of the approval process or how it was handled."
Throughout this time, Thakur -- who had initially gotten impatient when the FDA didn't take action within days -- watched in agony as years ticked by. He had launched his own consulting firm, which grew to 300 employees. As always, he tried to lose himself in his work, but he was in a perpetual state of anxiety, with thoughts of the case never far away. There was "a lot of hardship" is all he'll say about it today.
Remarkably, Ranbaxy is in a stronger position now in the U.S. than it was before its entanglement with the FDA. By the end of 2012, it was the fourth-fastest-growing pharmaceutical company in the U.S., both by sales and number of prescriptions. Much of this growth can be attributed to sales of its generic Lipitor. (That momentum stalled after the recall and the entry of new competitors selling that medication.) Ranbaxy has survived one disaster and punishment after another. As one incredulous employee put it, "We don't know why we're still in business."
The congressional inquiry into the FDA petered out over the years. But under the direction of David Nelson, investigators interviewed the FDA inspectors who went to Paonta Sahib and asked them a simple question: Would they feel comfortable taking Ranbaxy drugs? "Every single inspector that went to India said they would never take a Ranbaxy drug," says Nelson, "like eight out of eight."
They were not alone. One by one, each of the former Ranbaxy executives Fortune interviewed had determined, while still at the company, to stop taking Ranbaxy drugs.
In April 2010, Ranbaxy issued another in a mounting series of recalls, this time for a pediatric antibiotic of amoxicillin and clavulanate potassium. In a statement, a Ranbaxy spokesman said that while the company's own testing found the drug to be within specification, "the company has decided to recall all the lots in question as a matter of caution, given its commitment to the health and safety of patients." The oral suspension turned brown, instead of white, on being mixed. It was the same drug that Thakur had given his feverish young son, with no effect, seven years earlier.
Reporter associates: Doris Burke and Frederik Joelving

fortune.com

Moves to dilute 13-A’ irk TNA

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By Shamindra Ferdinando

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) yesterday insisted that any attempt to dilute the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, in the run-up to the first Northern Provincial Council election, wouldn’t be acceptable.

Such a course of action could reverse whatever progress achieved in the national reconciliation process, TNA National List MP M. A. Sumanthiran told The Island yesterday.

Asked whether the TNA would boycott the forthcoming Northern PC polls in case the government repealed some vital sections of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, MP Sumanthiran pointed out that in spite of media reports and various statements attributed to political parties regarding possible amendments, the government hadn’t announced its final decision.

SLFP National Organiser and Economic Affairs Minister Basil Rajapaksa on Sunday said that the government hadn’t taken a final decision on longstanding proposals to repeal certain sections of the 13 Amendment.

Responding to a query, MP Sumanthiran said that any change to the 13th Amendment would be contrary to a pledge given by President Mahinda Rajapaksa to the international community, particularly India. The TNA heavyweight pointed out that several joint communiqués issued following talks between the governments of Sri Lanka and India since the conclusion of the war in May 2009 referred to the promised Northern Provincial Council election.

The MP pointed out that the second US resolution on Sri Lanka, too, specifically mentioned the Northern PC polls scheduled for September.

MP Sumanthiran said that it would be important to ensure a level

playing field in the Northern region in the run-up to the election. Instead of the much-talked about 13A Plus, the government should first hold the Northern PC polls in accordance with the 13th Amendment, he added.

An election under an amended 13th Amendment would be an exercise in futility, Sumanthiran said, noting that a decision to introduce constitutional amendments for the benefit of the government would undermine the entire national reconciliation process.

The SLFP-led UPFA is sharply divided over the proposed election with the National Freedom Front (NFF) and the Jathika Hela Urumaya strongly opposing the move. However, left parties in the government are supportive of the Northern PC polls.

The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), too, is strongly opposed to doing away with the 13th Amendment to pave the way for the 19th Amendment sans police and land powers.

 island.lk

FUTA resents ‘politically motivated sacking’

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by Dasun Edirisinghe


The Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) is up in arms against the sacking of a probationary lecturer of the Sri Jayewardenepura University, which they claimed was politically motivated.


FUTA President Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri said that the Council of the Sri Jayewardenepura University had decided on Thursday to sack probationary lecturer Anuruddha Pradeep as he had not completed his masters examinations.


Dr. Dewasiri said that Pradeep had been working at the Political Science Department of the University for the last eight years.


"According to the law, probationary lecturers would have to complete the masters within eight years, but it has not happened," he said, adding that the sacking was totally due to political reasons as Pradeep has been critical of Higher Education Minister S. B. Dissanayake’s policies.


Dr. Dewasiris, however, said if a probationary lecturer did not complete the masters within eight years they would first be made temporary lecturers, but the Jayewardenepura administration had decided to sack Pradeep straightaway.


Dr. Dewasiri said that a current Vice Chancellor of a university had not completed his masters for nearly 15 years, but the respective university had not sacked him. As a result he had become a Vice Chancellor. He said two months ago, the Sri Jayewardenepura administration had also sacked senior Professors Senevi Epitawaththa and Jinadasa Katupotha, just eight months prior to their retirement.


This was another unique example of politicising state universities under the present higher education minister, Dr. Dewasiri said.


"FUTA executive committee would meet this week to decide on a course of action against this political victimization," Dr. Dewasiri said.


When contacted by The Island, Higher Education Ministry Secretary Dr. Sunil Jayantha Navaratne denied accusations that the ministry was involved in removing university lecturers.


He said that if such things happened it was totally up to the university council and the ministry would not get involved in University Council decisions.


The Island made several unsuccessful attempts to contact Vice Chancellor of the Jayawardenepura University Prof. N. L. A. Karunaratne.

island.lk

Goodbye MTNA welcome NUA – Salley

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By Lal Gunasekera

Leader of the Muslim-Tamil National Alliance (MTNA) Azath Salley has decided to head the National Unity Alliance (NUA), which he intends to register as a political party.

Speaking to The Island from his hospital bed at Nawaloka last afternoon (12), where he has been warded since his detention order was revoked by President Mahinda Rajapaksa on Friday (10), Salley said that he had checked with the Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya on NUA’s status and been informed that NUA was not on the list of registered political parties. He said once he was discharged from hospital he would meet the Polls Chief and discuss the registration of the NUA as a political party.Salley said that his lawyers would withdraw the Fundamental Rights violation application filed in the Supreme Court on Thursday (9).

Salley thanked God for his release and for prayers of all communities and those who stood by him.

He said nothing would deter him from going ahead to ensure that all communities were able to live in peace with equal rights.

island.lk

The Azad Salley problem

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As a Muslim, I feel particularly and deeply grateful for the two articles by Dayan Jayatilleka in The Island of May 7 and 9 on the Azad Salley problem, and also for Laksiri Fernando’s article in the Island of May 10. I feel particularly grateful as a Muslim because usually Muslim politicians and other representatives become clams if the powerful have to be challenged, even over matters vitally affecting the Muslim community. I have therefore in the past dubbed the Muslims as an "invisible minority". But one Muslim, Azad Salley, broke ranks and spoke out loudly and clearly and boldly, and may be also indiscreetly. For the extremists he is therefore evidently an uppity Muslim who should be taught a lesson. He is now in jail, and the expectation is that he will not be let loose this side of three years.


All three of the articles I have mentioned above are brilliant, and together make out a devastatingly powerful case against the incarceration of Azad Salley. They suffice to put the Government completely in the wrong, but I have a few additional points to make. What makes AS special? He may have spoken indiscreetly about a Muslim need to take up arms – if indeed he was reported accurately. Apart from that, he has formed a party bringing the Muslims and the Tamils together. The Government, as well as the extremists, could well believe such a party as having sinister possibilities. I myself am not favorable to such a party, for reasons that I cannot go into here. A further factor making him special is that together with Mujibur Rahman he made a spectacular success of the hartal in the Eastern Province. I seem to remember that a representative of the JHU made a statement to the effect that retaliatory action would be taken over that success. And of course he has been far too outspoken, making him the kind of uppity minority member who cannot be tolerated in a quasi fascist set up such as the present one.


I wonder how many foreign governments and representative institutions take a positive view of the arrest of AS. The Government is isolating itself, and that could have unexpected consequences. It will be well-advised to release AS immediately.


Izeth Hussain


Izethhussain@gmail.com

island.lk

Koodankulam project buried under a heap of lies

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Reactor buildings at the Koodankulam Nuclear Power Project site in Tamil Nadu

By Sam Rajappa

V. S. Naipaul in his Area of Darkness observed: "No civilization was so little equipped to cope with the outside world, no country was so easily raided and plundered, and learned so little from its disasters." In the year 1988, nuclear regulatory bodies of countries operating Soviet Union-built VVER nuclear power plants found the need to fit many new safety systems in almost all areas.  Convinced that upgrading to the new safety standards would render the plants uncompetitive, the manufacturers abandoned the idea. Unmindful of its poor safety standards, the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi entered into an agreement with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachov for two VVER power units of 1,000 MW each in the autumn of 1989.  It was touted as a real bargain India had struck.  With the fall of the Soviet Union and reunification of Germany, all VVER reactors in East Germany, Greifswald units 1 to 5, were shut down as they were not compliant with the stricter West German safety standards.  Unit 6 of Greifswald, which was completed by then, was never operated, and work on units 7 and 8 of Greifswald which were under different stages of completion, was stopped. Russia never fulfilled its promise of securing the British and the US regulatory authorities’ certification for the VVER reactors.

Erstwhile East Germany was not the only country to give up VVER reactors. Russia itself suspended construction of units 5 and 6 of the Balakovo nuclear power plant.  It shut down units 1 and 2 of the Novovoronezh plant and modernised the third unit. Iran cancelled the fourth unit of the Bushehr plant.  Bulgaria decommissioned all six units of the Kozloduy plant. In Finland, where two VVER units were being planned at Loviisa, the containment structures were changed completely. Slovakia suspended construction of units 3 and 4 of the Mochovec project. Hungary, which contracted for four VVER units for its Paks plant, cancelled two. Ukraine cancelled units 5 and 6 of the Rivne plant and unit 6 of the South Ukraine nuclear power plant.

China, where Russia installed two 1,000 MW VVER reactors at the Tianwan nuclear power plant, raised more than 3,000 queries and made the suppliers improve incrementally without altering the basic design of the units. The reactors are housed in a confinement shell capable of withstanding a hit by an aircraft weighing 20 tonnes. Other important safety features include an emergency core cooling system and core confinement system. While the reactor and turbo-generators are of Russian design, the control room was designed and built by an international consortium, thereby making the Tianwan plant meet international safety standards. The plant has 94 per cent of its systems automated so that it can control itself under most situations.  Only five operators are needed in the control room.  The International Atomic Energy Agency has declared the Tianwan plant as the safest nuclear power plant in the world.

In contrast, Rosatam, the Russian nuclear energy corporation, through its subsidiary Atomstroyexport, procured crucial steam generators and equipment, safety systems and reactor parts from another government-owned machine building company called ZiO Podolsk for the Koodankulam and similar plants being set up in other countries. In February 2012, Russia’s Federal Security Bureau, successor to KGB, arrested Sergei Shutov, procurement director of Zio Podolsk, on charges of corruption and fraud, and sourcing sub-standard steel blankets from Ukraine instead of the prescribed quality steel.  On 17 July  2011, the containment building of the Leningrad NPP-2 reactor that was under construction collapsed exposing the crumbling of steel structures supplied by ZiO Podolsk. There could be a large number of equipment, components and materials, besides the ones which failed during the pre-commissioning tests in Koodankulam, whose deficiencies and defects are dormant today, but could cause catastrophic failure when the reactor is operated for some time under high temperature, pressure, high neutron irradiation and thermal stress. Such materials could have been installed within the pressure vessel itself which is now closed and sealed in preparation for the reactor start-up. Once the reactor is made critical, that is nuclear reactions are initiated, and taken up gradually to generate power, these components and materials will become highly radioactive in an environment where they cannot be tested for quality or performance or even become inaccessible for close visual examination. ZiO Podolsk claimed in a statement, "Our Indian partners (NPCIL) have not raised any question about the quality of products supplied by us."

The People’s Movement Against Nuclear Energy asked the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited for a list of equipment and parts supplied by ZiO Podolsk to the Koodankulam plant under RTI on 28 January this year. It replied tersely on 20 February, saying: "No information regarding any investigation against ZiO Podolsk is available to NPCIL." Corruption in any field is to be avoided, but when it involves the nuclear industry, the risks are high enough to result in another Fukushima. According to Russia’s official national daily, Rossiiskaya Gazeta, "In the past six months alone, removed from their posts on suspicion of corruption and other abuse were heads of 12 Rosatom enterprises." Against this background, India sent a delegation of the DAE, led by special secretary A Joshi, last summer.  After a visit to ZiO Podolsk’s machine building plant, Joshi observed on 24 July 2012: "Excellent presentation and representation of the plant, everything is wonderful.  We really liked what we saw." This was five months after the arrest of Shutov charged with embezzlement of budget funds.

Total lack of transparency from which the nuclear establishment in India is suffering prevents the public from knowing the real story. Nuclear technology is the most dangerous means of producing energy with a serious potential for catastrophic accidents causing severe damage to life and property.  VVER reactors are relatively new and untested.  The reactor manufacturer in Russia has consistently opposed even minimum liability in case of an accident due to manufacturing defect. Koodankulam is India’s first 1000 MW nuclear reactor and we do not have the experience to handle such a mega plant.  Units 1 and 2 with a combined installed capacity of 2000 MW represent about 40 per cent of the capacity of all existing nuclear power plants in the country and call for the highest level of safety and security.  These 100 per cent imported reactors are also the country’s first pressurised light water reactors.  Our nuclear scientists and engineers have expertise and experience in Boiling Water Reactors and Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors which have completely different design, safety and fuel features and response to meet accidents.

The International Convention on Nuclear Safety, which India has ratified, mandates that "each contracting party shall take appropriate steps to ensure an effective separation between the functions of the regulatory body and those of any other body concerned with the promotion or utilisation of nuclear energy." AERB is not an independent entity.  It acts as a rubber-stamp of the Atomic Energy Commission, chaired by the secretary of the DAE. It is subservient to those whom it is required to regulate and control in the interest of public safety. In Koodankulam, the AERB has demonstrated its subservience by allowing the NPCL to go ahead with fuel loading without implementing the 17 safety measures recommended by the post-Fukushima task force appointed by the Government of India. The captive AERB makes the overall safety management of atomic energy in the country a complete farce. (The Statesman/ANN)

The writer is a veteran journalist and former Director of The Statesman Print Journalism School


island.lk

Editorial Island.lk

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Cost of blind plunges



When Leader of the Muslim-Tamil Alliance Leader Azath Salley was arrested recently under the much-dreaded Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), we were told by the government spokesmen that he was a threat to national security as he was inciting the Muslims to violence against the state. In a bid to justify the use of those draconian laws, they cited as evidence an interview he had given to a South Indian magazine and claimed that a statement therein was tantamount to a call to arms! There was high octane performance on the part of the CID, which arrested him and obtained a detention order in record time. (If only the police acted so efficiently in dealing with suspects connected to the government as well, this country would be a much better place!)


But, no sooner had Salley submitted an affidavit denying what was attributed to him in the aforesaid interview than President Mahinda Rajapaksa released him. Why on earth did the government plunge feet first into using the PTA to deal with Salley without first ascertaining the veracity of the allegations against him? It put the cart before the horse obviously for political reasons. Would anyone in his proper senses planning an armed uprising against Sri Lanka have gone around giving press interviews and revealing his intentions? Salley also erred. He should have met the CID, which says it sought an appointment with him to obtain a statement and put the record straight instead of having himself arrested and staging fasts. He has failed to act responsibly.


Welcoming Salley’s release, UNP Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe has bragged that the government has buckled under pressure from the Opposition. If so, the question is why Salley submitted an affidavit to the President without continuing to hold his ground and fast until he was released unconditionally. If the Opposition thinks it is so strong as to mobilise the public to the extent of taming the government, will it tell us why it pathetically failed, in spite of its public protests, to secure the release of former Army Commander Gen. Sarath Fonseka unconditionally and thwart the impeachment of Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake?


Real threats to national security emanate not from those who fight for democratic rights of the people but from those who resort to aggression and violence against others of different ethnicities and religions During the war, the Muslims in the North and the East bore the brunt of LTTE terror and today they are suffering at the hands of a bunch of racists among the Sinhalese. Minister Wimal Weerawansa got it right—for once—the other day when he lambasted an outfit ‘with external links responsible for attacks on the Muslims’. He stopped short of naming that organisation but flayed it for what he called furthering the interests of some foreign powers and the LTTE; he claimed that the on-going hate campaign against the Muslims might lead to a situation where they were compelled to change their position on the demerger of the North and the East and join forces with the separatists striving to re-merge the two provinces. However, it is not the fear of the Muslims supporting a possible re-amalgamation of the North and the East that should prompt one to oppose the on-going anti-Muslim frenzy but one’s sense of justice and fair play.


Now that Minister Weerawansa has talked the talk, he has to walk the walk, so to speak. He should take on, with might and main, the lunatic fringe of the UPFA support base carrying out a hate campaign against the ethno-religious minorities, who should, for their part, isolate fanatics among them. Extremism, in all its forms and manifestations, needs to be defeated if national reconciliation which continues to elude us is to be achieved.


The government swung into action against Salley under the PTA plunging the country into political turmoil in the process simply because it chose to take what had been published in a magazine seriously. But, unfortunately, there are no laws available for the public to move courts against politicians on the basis of what is published in election manifestos which contain promises such as the abolition of the executive presidency and restoration of democracy and the rule of law. How sad!

Yediyurappa’s hubris helps mark the end of a discordant five years of saffron rule

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KPN
Congress workers celebrate in Belgaum
Saffron’s Eight Sins
What went against the BJP
  • Subversion of 2008 mandate‘Operation Kamala’, getting elec­ted Congress MLAs to resign and contest on a BJP ticket to shore up numbers, insulted the voter
  • ‘Resort’ politics Every few months, BJP loyalists and dissidents in blackmailing moves were pushing off to plush clubs and resorts with scant concern for public perception
  • Corruption The mining scams of the Reddy brothers in Bellary and the denotification of land in other cities, sent several ministers and even CM Yediyurappa to jail
  • Casteism Under Yediyurappa, the BJP put all its eggs in Lingayat basket, even replacing D.V. Sadananda Gowda with Jagadish Shettar to keep the community happy
  • Sex scandals An MLA’s wife commits suicide in Delhi, another MLA caught smooching a nurse, three MLAs caught watching porn in the legislature, a minister accused of sleeping with a friend’s wife
  • Church attacks Blind eye towards members of the Bajrang Dal who attacked churc­hes and prayer halls in Mangalore and Bangalore in 2008 to prevent alleged ‘forced conversions’
  • Moral policing Sri Rama Sene attacks on pubs in ’09, Hindu Jagarana Vedike attack on homestays in 2012, in the name of protecting ‘Hindu culture’; ‘jehad’ on inter-caste love affairs
  • Infighting The Yediyurappa and Ananth Kumar factions were constantly at each other’s throats; the former’s exit is being attributed to the latter’s hold over L.K. Advani
***

Can I be the CM? Can I? Can I?
  • Siddaramaiah Two-time former deputy CM from the Old Mysore region. From the Janata stock. Took a padayatra to BJP bastion Bellary. [Update: Siddaramaiah Elected as New CM of Karnataka- Web Ed]
  • Mallikarjuna Kharge Union labour minis­ter from Hyderabad-Karnataka region, whose quiet, rock-solid loyalty to No. 10 Janpath, is legendary
  • G. Parameshwar Australia-educated state Congress chief, a Dalit, whose chances dipped following a loss in his home-constituency
  • Veerappa Moily, S.M. Krishna Former CMs eyeing their chances if the high command favours a dark horse to stave off dissent
***
In the circular logic of politics, it’s apt that the election results in Karnataka generate a meaning that goes beyond immediate victors and losers, and has a relevance not limited to the state’s borders or political culture. The grizzled players of the state Congress, instead of losing themselves in celebrations, are eking out a moral from the story and holding it up for the big bosses in New Delhi to see. It’s a nervous message: corruption is bad politics.
What’s behind this curious note of caution tempering the elation and relief at returning to power in Karnataka after a gap of seven years? The survival inst­inct, pure and simple—and an honest app­raisal of events as they evolved over the last few years. What lost the BJP its precious ‘gateway to the south’? There may be no answer as grand as the question. Yes, maybe a ‘correction’ to a rightward lurch in the polity, a bit of saffron fatigue. But equally, an accumulated frustration with the simple, everyday facts of massive institutional corruption. Dovet­ailed with visible misgovernance.

Jagadish Shettar after putting in his papers, May 8
The way Congressmen tie the narrative to the present situation at the Centre—with the UPA unwilling to let go of two ‘tainted’ ministers for even form’s sake—has a lot to do with how things unfolded in Karnataka. For, whatever gains the Congress secured in this election owes to what the BJP did during its five-year rule. More than the scams, it’s in being totally impervious to public opinion that the real damage came. A feeling had set in at some point that the party cared little about public perception.
 
 
The BJP’s innings started with the party changing its outlook to power, Operation Kamala being the best example of this.
 
 
Which hopefully will not be the mistake the Karnataka Congress will make. Or will it? Things have started off with the usual sounds of tug and pull, with over half a dozen candidates announcing they had a hat in the ring for the top job. Opposition leader in the outgoing assembly and padayatra man Siddara­m­aiah and Union labour minister M. Mal­likar­j­una Kharge headed the list of pro­­spect­ive CMs as we went to press; other major names in the air inc­luded Union oil min­ister Veerappa Moily and ex-KPCC chief R.V. Des­hpande. That said, matters are unlikely to come to a head, all players agreeing amicably that “everybody will abide by the high command decision”.
The same cannot be said for the BJP’s innings that just came to an end: it had star­ted by changing its very outlook to power. Its innovative ‘Operation Kamala’, to wean away Congress and Janata Dal leg­islators who later got elected as BJP men, was a classic example of how demo­cracy can be subverted. It was as if, with opportunity knocking by way of its 100 seats—two short of the halfway mark of 112 in the assembly—it would brook no obstacle in the bid to grab and hold on to power. The lack of trust was obvious—it neither trusted the independents (whose support gave it a simple majority) nor its own partymen. Unlike the late Janata leader Ramakrishna Hegde, who was caught in a similar situation in 1983 but went on to provide a good government, the state BJP was just not prepared to make good on its first chance.
To be sure, there was a dichotomy from the beginning between the principles enu­nciated by the party’s tallest leader then, L.K. Advani, at the time of the 2008 campaign (“Give us a chance to provide a clean government”) and the mechani­sms the BJP found handy to gain power. The Bellary iron ore mines had pretty much financed the whole campaign, and Operation Kamala to boot. There was going to be a payback time. B.S. Yedi­yu­rappa finally lost his hold on the sceptre by trying to manage the tensions inherent in the BJP’s deal with the Reddys.

Sushma Swaraj with the Reddy brothers. (Photograph by KPN)
And then there was also the humbler corruption of those who were tasting power for the first time. Take the land deals, well exposed by H.D. Kumaras­w­amy of the JD(S). At one point, the ex-CM was pulling out one scam a day for almost a fortnight. Each of the deals were violative of all norms, including high court verdicts, and related to acquisition of land for BSY’s family members, or whoever found favour with the CM.
 
 
The Bellary ore mines had pretty much financed the whole campaign...there was going to be a payback time.
 
 
By then, it was obvious that Yedi­yurappa considered himself a law unto his own. For, after all, hadn’t he led the BJP to power almost single-handedly, as he claimed to a senior party leader trying to reason with him on behalf of his collea­gues. Indeed, the BJP’s rise to power was entirely due to his caste base: the large, dominant community of Lingayats who had stood by him. But then hubris struck. He became so brazen that even standard practices his predecessors followed—like not ignoring a bureaucrat’s written note quoting high court rulings—was given the go-by. The man even denotified land on a site lawfully allotted to his law minister!
The situation had clearly changed dramatically for the man who grew up in the RSS shakhas of Mandya. The time had come to unlearn the moral and cultural codes that had been drilled into him in the shakhas. The new mantra was RoI (return on investment). It’s what the Reddy brothers wanted. Yeddy went the whole hog: from land deals to mining; to backing the transfer of an honest forest official probing the theft of eight lakh tonnes of illegally mined ore the department had seized and retained at Belekere port; to the family’s Prerana Education Trust getting Rs 20 crore donations from the South West Mining Co and getting exposed by an active Lokayukta,  Justice Santosh Hegde.

BSY with Modi. (Photograph by AFP, From Outlook 20 May 2013
And when the mining scam hit the ceiling, Yediyurappa punctured the party’s high command balloon further by walking in a procession to the Raj Bhavan to submit his resignation. It was also to send a message: that he alone mattered in the BJP and if it didn’t care, he would teach it a lesson. The high command, bent on protecting its ‘gateway to the south’, boosted his stature by caving in yet again. Why didn’t the party sack him then? Was it the fear of losing Lin­gayat support, as had happe­ned to the Congress when community strongman Veeren­dra Patil was remo­ved by Rajiv Gandhi in 1990? (It’s said that they never forgave the Congress—until now.) Whatever it was, BSY succe­ssfully converted every single crisis —even his three weeks’ stint in jail in the mining scam, the first ex-CM to do time—into an opportunity.
 
 
They’d go to any lengths to appease him because the route to power was the Lingayat vote. It was all the party cared for.
 
 
He succeeded in bullying the high command—despite the presence there of actively malevolent elements—into cha­n­ging rebellious CMs who were originally his choices. Sadananda Gowda and Jagadish Shettar were asked to toe his line. When they didn’t, Yeddy packed off his group of 60-70 MLAs to a resort. All this happened when the state was facing its worst ever drought in a decade. The man who grew as a leader of the farming community did not flinch once during this period at their plight. Worse, even the party high command did not think of the consequences. They would go to any lengths to appease him, because the route to power was the Lingayat vote and that was all that mattered to the party.
It was not as if the rest of the ride was smooth. There were many ministers who fell by the wayside, rape charges, cheating charges, a medical education department recruitment scam, the stream of BSY’s close associates appearing one by one before the Lokayukta court on some charge or the other. His close associate, Shobha Karandlaje, also had to be dropped after dissident activity and because she was riding rough- shod over colleagues. Meanwhile, BJP MLAs were getting caught watching pornography in the assembly. Social harmony had become a bad word in the state lexicon. Church attacks, pub attacks, the state was in turmoil.

Mooo... Kumaraswamy and family offer prayers before casting their vote in Ramnagar
It was, again, a lack of trust that finally pushed him out of the party to launch the Karnataka Janata Paksha (KJP). Loyalty was difficult under the circumstances:  some of his closest associates stuck to the BJP to win in the elections. Yediyurappa may have won just six seats but he has delivered a debilitating defeat, one of the worst ever in Karnataka’s history for a ruling party. And it’s not as if he completely took away the vote of the Lingayat community. Even his community, on which he had banked so much, trusted the Congress in several parts of north Karnataka. It is where the Congress got the majority of its seats. Yediyurappa, in fact, delivered the state to the Congress. 
 In fact, the Congress should be more than thankful to him for this victory. It’s got a decent 121 seats in its kitty, with 40 each going to the BJP and JD(S). It could have got more, maybe even 140-150, if only it had set its house in order by selecting the right candidates. More so in the Old Mysore region where the main challenger was the JD(S). To some extent, one of the reasons for it getting past the halfway mark in the 224-member assembly is the last-minute efforts to get disgruntled partymen working for the party. This exercise went on even in the last five days before polling. Indeed, even now there is no other election machinery that can match the Congress in the last few days of an election.

By Imran Qureshi in Bangalore

outlook.com


Milk production in India is at variance with demand. What next? Lola Nayar

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Jitender Gupta
Whiteout A Mother Dairy outlet in Delhi

Half Pints And Full Points
  • Consumers hit by rising milk and milk product prices, up 60% in the past three years
  • Milk production growth below desirable levels of 5% per annum
  • From Reliance to Danone, private/ global players looking at organised milk market in India
  • Higher prices make adulteration —from water to detergent/chemicals —a lucrative business
  • No monitoring, risk of adulteration more in the unorganised sector 
***
While petrol and food hog all the headlines, a quiet crisis has been simmering and coming to a boil in a pan near you. Milk and some of your favourite milk products (ice-cream, yoghurt, lassi, che­ese) have been in the red list of major contributors to the continuing food inflation in the country. Since 2009, the price of milk across the country has been raised more than a dozen times—each time by Rs 1 to even Rs 4—by different brands. Put together, the data is striking: all-India average milk prices have risen from Rs 21.33 per litre to Rs 34.50—a jump of about 62 per cent in 54 months.
Amul, the iconic brand of the Gujarat Coo­pe­rative Milk Marketing Feder­at­ion (GCMMF), is the latest to have raised prices, by Rs 2 per litre. Reports from dif­ferent states indicate that other major cooperatives, public and private sector dairy majors are set to follow suit. Reason: rise in input costs as also the higher remunerations to farmers. “We are continuously paying high pri­ces to farmers...there is no shortage of milk provided you are paying the right price,” says R.S. Sodhi, managing director of GCMMF, which has been recording upward of 15 per cent annual gro­wth in the quantum of milk it handles.
 
 
“Could India have been in a position to export five times the milk that it imported if there was a shortage?”R.G. Chandramogan, Hatsun Agro CMD
 
 
But apparently this isn’t enough. Aga­i­nst the desired government target of 5 per cent annual growth in milk production, India has been able to chalk up only around 3.9 per cent growth. The consequent mismatch between dem­and (projected at 6 per cent increase annually) and supply creates a concom­itant scare: the old nightmare about adulteration in milk and milk products sold in the country. “What is needed today is a second White Revolution and that too in half the time taken by the first. In the coming years, Indian dairy products will have to compete not only globally but with imported products in the domestic market as well,” says Sharad Gupta, publisher and editor of Dairy India Yearbook.
How real are these concerns? Well, the Planning Commission’s mid-term appraisal report admits market linkages between milk producers and buyers—either through cooperatives or the priv­ate organised sector—“are not exp­an­ding at the expected rate, and therefore, sustainable high growth rates in milk production rem­ain a challenge”. Even now, only about 18 per cent of the estimated 127.9 million tonnes (mt) of milk produced in the country is being processed thro­ugh the organised sector, which is divided equ­a­lly between cooperatives and the private sector.
“Consumption is growing—6-7 per cent is the assumption—but it may not be so high. If it had been, we would have been in a serious problem,” admits dairy sector consultant Dr R.S. Khanna. Instead, India exported 60,000 tonnes of skimmed milk powder last year due to surplus supplies (despite the drought in Maharashtra). In the last three years, Khanna contends, inflation in the dairy sector was higher than average because farmers have been paid more. To be sure, there also has been a 15 per cent rise in animal feed prices. But better remuneration is always an incentive to improving production.
Similarly, R.G. Chandramogan, CMD of Chennai-based Hatsun Agro Product Ltd, one of the largest private players in the country, does not agree with the prognosis of milk shortage. He points to the fact that over the last five years India only imported 0.12 million tonnes (mt) of milk solids, which is equivalent to hardly one mt of milk. On the other hand, India exported 0.6 mt of powder and casein during this period, equivalent to 5 mt of milk. “Could the country have really been in a position to export five times the milk that it imported if there was a shortage? The concern about shortage is mismatched by the actual scenario,” he says.
Even the increase in price of milk, according to him, is not due to any shortage. In fact, he points out that the cumulative increase in the wholesale price of milk since 2004, at 110.4 per cent, is lower than the 113.8 per cent for all food articles or 115.9 per cent for foodgrains.
 
 
“In the north, the adulteration problem is there as some add preservatives to extend shelf-life of milk products.”R.S. Sodhi, GCMMF MD
 
 
And how real then are the fears of milk adulteration? It’s a mixed picture. K. Chandramouli is chair­man of Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI), which had last year brought out an alarming survey report on the quality of milk sold in the country based on 1,791 samples collec­ted from urban and rural areas. But he now downplays the bad parts (the rep­ort had even called reconstituted milk adulterated). He clarifies that the “problem is with the unorganised sector. Most of the samples examined pointed to substandard quality (mostly dilution with water) but not uns­afe milk.” Khanna adds that while reports of adulteration may be justified, only a minuscule percentage of supplies are affected, more so during festive seasons when there is increased demand.
The share of the organised sector has meanwhile doubled—from 15 per cent a decade back to around 30 per cent  now. This is seen as an encouraging sign, with most big players assuring quality checks at multiple points. The fast expanding private sector investment and entry of global players is also intensifying competition—Fonterra, Danone, Lon­don Dairy, Dairy Lite and Baskin Robbins, among others, have already entered the high-end milk products segment in India. Many other foreign brands—including New Zeal­and Dairy Board and the Irish Dairy Board—are reported to be looking for partners to enter the Indian market.
Alongside, the number of private sec­tor biggies entering the field is growing with the likes of Reliance Dairy Foods, Kishore Biyani’s Fresh and Pure and Jaypee Group joining the ranks of Hatsun Agro, Paras, Saras, Britannia and Nestle among others. Today, the share of private players in the organised milk processing sector has risen to around 40 per cent. Which is good news. As the organised sector expands, experts are pinning hopes on competition to ensure better quality delivery. Of course, be prepared to pay a higher price for it too. As an industry veteran put it: “What is inflation for consumers is income for farmers.” That’s what they call milk for thought.
outlook.com

We should make it clear to the visiting Chinese PM that his country must take the first step of exchanging maps of the LAC which have to be the basis of further negotiations B.RAMAN

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Prime Minister Li Kequiang of China, who took over in March last, is to visit India, Pakistan, Switzerland and Germany during his first round of overseas visits after taking over as the Prime Minister.

His clubbing together his visits to India and Pakistan on his way to Europe indicates the equal importance which the newly-elected Chinese leadership attaches to China’s relations with India and Pakistan.

The visit to India from May 19 to 21 threatened to come under a cloud following the intrusion by a platoon of PLA troops into Indian territory in the Daulat Beg Oldie area of Eastern Ladakh on April 15 and their camping in tents there for nearly three weeks.

The resulting stand-off between Chinese and Indian troops of the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) created trans-Line of Actual Control tensions and led to demands in India for the postponement of the visit of our foreign minister Salman Khurshid to Beijing to make preparations for Li’s visit. The stand-off also revived the distrust of China in Indian strategic circles.

The two countries managed to avert an embarrassing postponement of the visits by agreeing on the restoration of the status quo ante. The Chinese troops then vacated the Indian territory into which they had intruded.

Two questions remain unclear. Firstly, why did the Chinese troops intrude into this area even at the risk of their intrusion casting a shadow on the first visit of their new Prime Minister to India? Secondly, was there an Indian quid pro quo for the Chinese withdrawal? Sections of the Indian media had reported that India had agreed to remove some temporary infrastructure like bunkers for sheltering patrolling Indian troops from its territory. If media accounts of the quid pro quo are correct, it could ultimately turn out to be to the detriment of our sovereignty claims in that area.

While the ministry of defence of the government of India has been a little more forthcoming on the Indian right to build defensive and logistics infrastructure in our territory, the ministry of external affairs has been evasive.

Ever since Xi Jinping took over as the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in November last year, he has been talking of the need for a border settlement “ as early as possible.” The previous leaderships used to talk of the need for time and patience in reaching a border accord and for not allowing this to come in the way of the development of the bilateral relations in the economic and other fields. India had been going along with this formulation of the past leaderships.

From the various remarks of Xi on Sino-Indian relations since he took over, it would seem that he wants a time-frame for finding a border accord without allowing the pressure for a time-frame coming in the way of strengthening relations in other fields. The recent intrusion, in this regard, could be interpreted as an attempt by the new leadership to press the need for a solution “ as early as possible” without letting the negotiations drag on endlessly.

It would be in India’s interest too to work for a border accord “as early as possible.” At the same time, India should not accept the Chinese formulation that the absence of a border accord should not come in the way of the economic and other relations. This formulation has immensely benefitted China.

Much of the delay till now has been due to Beijing dragging its feet on exchanging maps of the line of actual control, which has to be the first step. During the forthcoming visit of the Chinese Prime Minister, we should make it clear that we too want a border accord “ as early as possible”, but this would depend upon the Chinese taking the first step of exchanging maps of the LAC which have to be the basis of further negotiations.

We should also make it clear that relations in the economic and other fields cannot improve without satisfactory progress in the border talks.

B. Raman is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai, and Associate of the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Twitter: @SORBONNE75

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Trades in the pleasures of the flesh for the uplifting aromas of Ayurvedic food in the kitchens of Kerala. Nandini Mehta

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Photographs by Sanjiv Valsan
Madras cucumbers and bottle gourd
 
On the two-and-a-half hour drive from Kochi airport to Vengunad in the Palakkad region, my colleague, Sanjiv Valsan, veteran of many trips to God’s Own Country, regales me with tales of his culinary experiences on Kerala’s highways. It is noon by the time we hit the road, and Sanjiv declares that it’s already too late for us to find toddy that’s worth drinking. “You have to have it by 9 o’clock latest, otherwise it gets disgustingly over-fermented and undrinkable,” he declares. Then he launches into mouth-watering descriptions of toddy shop fish curry and beef fry that he’s had at humble roadside stalls. By now, we are ravenous, having caught our flight early that morning, without breakfast. Alas, there are no toddy shops on this stretch of the highway. Sanjiv’s discourse on the delights of Kerala cuisine tails off when I remind him that we are here to write about Ayurvedic cuisine. “So then,” he predicts grimly, “we’re in for a diet of translucent vegetables.” 

Ivy gourd on the boil in a traditional brass uruli
By the time we arrive at our first stop, Kalari Kovilakom, one of Kerala’s leading Ayurvedic centres, located in the magnificent palace of the erstwhile rajas of Kollengode at Vengunad, the lunch hour is long over, and we learn Rule Number One of Ayurvedic cuisine—the food has to be eaten within no more than two hours of being prepared. So, no leftovers, and no reheated food. We while away the afternoon exploring the lush grounds and the serene environs of the palace until it is time to head to the kitchen to watch preparations for dinner. And Sanjiv’s prediction proves bang on; there are heaps of translucent vegetables—snake gourd, bottle gourd, ivy gourd (tindli), white and yellow pumpkin, bitter gourd (karela), green papaya, cabbage, cucumber, banana stem, drumsticks—being chopped by a battery of cooks.
 
 
Sanjiv’s discourse on the delights of Kerala cuisine tails off... “So then,” he predicts grimly, “we’re in for a diet of translucent vegetables”
 
 
Charts pinned up on the kitchen wall have detailed lists of the food prescriptions for the eighteen guests staying here. They will each get a customized thali, according to whether their ‘dosha’ (constitution) has been diagnosed as dominantly kapha, pitha or vatha by the Ayurvedic doctors on the staff, or a combination of different doshas. To sum up: Kapha types benefit from pungent, bitter, heating and astringent foods, and small quantities of sour and salty foods. Pitha types benefit from bitter, sweet and cooling foods and must avoid sour and fermented foods like yogurt and fermented batters. Vatha types get salty, sour, sweet and heating foods, leafy vegetables and no bitter foods.  So, Rule Number Two: a strictly regulated diet is an integral part of any course of Ayurvedic treatment, as important as medication and other therapies.

Tranquillity by the tank
The translucent vegetables are set to cook, without a drop of oil, in heavy stone pots and huge brass urulis, subtly seasoned with ginger, garlic, turmeric, mustard seeds, curry leaves and rock salt. Pepper and chillies, however, are taboo. Dals have been boiled and kept in earthen pots, ready to be seasoned and turned into soup just before the meal is served. The nutty red rice of the Palakkad region is steamed, appams are griddled, and dosas made of rawa, rice and white millet sizzle on hot iron slabs, again without a drop of oil. Bell metal thalis, each labelled with a guest’s room number, are got ready, with the foods ladled out in carefully portion-controlled amounts. When our thalis are being made up, Sanjiv and I ask if we can have rawa dosa as well as rice, and are sternly given Rule Number Three of Kalari Kovilakom’s Ayurvedic cuisine: No Mixing of Cereals; choose one or the other.
When the dinner bell sounds, hungry guests hurry out of the palace’s many rooms, corridors and staircases, and head straight for the airy covered veranda that wraps around one end of the building. This is the dining room. And now we discover Rule Number Four: No Talking, No Discussions During a Meal. This apparently disturbs the absorption of nutrients and the digestive process.

The ‘silent’ dining area of the Kalari Kovilakom.
When I sit down to my meal of ginger-infused lukewarm water, buttermilk, pumpkin soup, cabbage thoran, cucumber avial and red rice, all in rather minute quantities, I am amazed to discover how delicious and flavourful this oil-free meal is, with the aromas and textures of the different dishes perfectly complementing each other.
 
 
When the dinner bell sounds, hungry guests hurry out of the palace’s many rooms, corridors and staircases, and head straight for the dining room
 
 
That night, I’m in bed by 8.30, I sleep more soundly than I have in weeks, but wake up next morning craving my usual caffeine-nicotine fix. It goes without saying that the rules of traditional Ayurvedic cuisine, so strictly observed at Kalari Kovalikom, completely forbid such stimulants. By the afternoon of our second day, however, by which time I’ve had two more meals (breakfast and lunch), I begin to feel smugly virtuous. The frugality, subtlety and fine balance of Kalari Kovalikom’s Ayurvedic cuisine have not only instilled in me a new-found respect for translucent vegetables, they seem to have quietened my coffee-cigarette cravings. Sami Erol, a Turkish investment banker who has been coming to Kalari Kovalikom every year for the last five years, assures me that the cravings—for meat, alcohol, cigarettes or caffeine—disappear after the first five days. “After that it’s much easier. And when we’re back in Istanbul we continue to follow about 70 per cent of the food rules—for example, we eat early and have meat only once a month.” Cherry Cherian, the urbane, genial general manager of Kalari, recounts his own experience of the benefits of Ayurvedic cuisine. When he took up this job six years ago, he was a portly man weighing eighty kilos, with a keen appetite for non-vegetarian food and dangerously high blood pressure; today, simply by eating the food the guests eat, he is down to a trim sixty kilos and his BP is normal.

Tagged and numbered bell metal plates for guests at the property
Inspired by Sami and Cherry, I give up my plans to sneak out for a smoke to the parking lot of the palace, before we move on from Vengunad to explore Ayurvedic cuisine at other places in the belt stretching from Palakkad to Thrissur. This region has long been renowned for the authenticity and rigour of its Ayurvedic tradition, the knowledge and skills of its Ayurvedic physicians and the expertise of the Palakkad Brahmin cooks in preparing the food prescribed by them.
We spend the next two nights at the Perumbayil Ayurveda Mana, a renovated six-hundred-year-old mansion set in spacious gardens, a few kilometres from the great Guruvayoor temple. A newly built treatment centre has been added to the house, presided over by Dr Varun Vinayak, a sixth-generation Ayurvedic physician, and his younger colleague, Dr Sruthi. Dr Varun’s food regime is more relaxed—apart from the usual vegetables of the gourd family, we happily mix cereals as we choose between  boiled rice, upma, puttu, idiyappams, chappatis and pathiri—the rice flour rotis that are a speciality of  Kerala’s Muslims . We also get boiled bananas (“If we don’t boil them, they could cause constipation,” explains Dr Varun). And, to our surprise and delight, there’s tea and coffee at breakfast!

Suzana from Spain savours her detox meal at the Arya Vaidya Sala (left); and a satvik ‘shadhya’ at Kalari Kovilakom
An amble through the bustling market at nearby Thrissur reveals that herbs and condiments regarded as beneficial in Ayurveda are an integral part of daily fare at local homes: the shops specializing in these are thronged with customers buying them to add to milk or curd, or to seasonal vegetables. About a forty-minute drive from the Perumbayil Mana is the Punnathur Kotta, an elephant sanctuary. And here we find there’s even a special Ayurvedic diet to rejuvenate old and retired elephants—they are fed a mixture of beaten rice, milk, salt and turmeric.
 
 
We also get boiled bananas (“Else, they could cause constipation,” explains Dr Varun). And, to our surprise and delight, there’s tea and coffee at breakfast!
 
 
We continue our journey northwards, to the famous Arya Vaidya Sala at Kottakkal, in Malabar district. Founded more than a century ago by P.S. Varier, a legendary Ayurvedic scholar and practitioner, we find a more purist version of Ayurvedic cuisine here than at Perumbayil. Tea and coffee are out; coconut water is regarded as an elixir. And here we learn Rule Number Five: No Siesta After Lunch; it causes indigestion. As the kitchen staff puts together a typical lunch thali for us, Suzana, a Spanish woman, joins us: she has checked in for a two-week stay, to get treatment for the general debility caused by her bouts of chemotherapy. And she enthusiastically attests to the amazing detox effect of the food she’s been having. The thali has cabbage thoran; steamed cauliflower, carrots and beans; rice; roasted papad; medicated water; an amla preserve; and buttermilk with turmeric.
Our final destination is the Kadavu Resort and Ayurveda Centre on the outskirts of Kozhikode, idyllically situated on the banks of the Chaliyar river. Here we learn about the special therapeutic properties of certain vegetables: White pumpkin (ash gourd) is good for the heart and destroys excess heat and fat in the body. Karela is a rich source of vitamins, minerals, calcium and iron. Beetroot is a natural detoxifier and blood purifier. Tindli controls diabetes, purifies blood and strengthens bones. Okra prevents constipation and curbs the absorption of sugar. Cabbage helps regulate blood pressure, is a natural antihistamine and helps in the production of blood-clotting proteins.

An oil-free rava dosa in the making for patients advised to avoid rice at the Kalari Kovilakom
The chief physician, Dr Remia Sivadas, has given Ayurvedic cuisine an inventive new global twist here, given the number of Arab patients who come to her Ayurveda Centre: On the Ayurvedic menu for them that day are bamiya bi zayt hummus (okra and chickpea stew), kousa marak (braised zucchini), fattoush (salad with onions, tomato, lime and cumin), with wholewheat pita bread. “But of course they’re used to meat, and some of them do cheat,” smiles Dr Sivadas. It’s our last night, and Sanjiv and I decide to cheat too. Bright-eyed, detoxed and energetic after five days of super-satvik fare, we head to the Kadavu Resort’s restaurant and binge on Malabar mutton biryani, prawn moily, beef coconut fry and Malabar parotta. And then we go on a guilt trip.

Cooling whites at the Kalari Kovilakom
Where  to Stay (and  Eat)
  • Kalari Kovalikom, Kollengode, Palakkad (04923-263921, cghearth.com)
  • Perumbayil Ayurveda Mana, Pavaratty Road, Paluvayil, Guruvayoor (9846045696, ayurvedamana.com)
  • Arya Vaidya Sala, Kottakkal, Malappuram District (0483-2808000, aryavaidyasala.com)
  • Kadavu Resort and Ayurveda Centre,NH-17 Calicut Bypass Road, Azhinjilam, Malappuram District (0483-2830570, kadavuayurvedaresort.com)


Melt-in-the-mouth rice flour pathiris at the Perumbayil Ayurveda Mana
Recipes
Some Ayurvedic dishes to try in your own kitchen, based on my close look at what the cooks at Kalari Kovilakom were doing. Make sure you use the heaviest pot you have, to avoid the food getting scorched, because you won’t use any oil.
Pumpkin Soup
Keep ready some boiled arhar (toor) dal cooked with turmeric, asafoetida and rock salt. Also keep ready some grated coconut ground into a paste with garlic, and some cumin powder.
Dice the yellow pumpkin and steam it with turmeric, rock salt and chopped ginger. Use just enough water to let it cook in its own steam, and keep stirring. When it’s tender, add it to the dal along with the coconut-garlic paste and a pinch of cumin. Stir well to mix. The consistency should be fairly thick.
Tip:You can also make this soup with moong dal and spinach
Cabbage Thoran
Heat a heavy pot and add mustard seeds and cumin seeds until they crackle, then some  finely chopped onion, turmeric, grated coconut and curry leaves. Keep stirring until the onions lose their raw smell. Then add chopped cabbage, previously steamed lightly, and stir well to mix.
Tip:You could substitute long beans or raw papaya for the cabbage
Cucumber Avial
Lightly steam diced cucumber with finely chopped ginger, rock salt and curry leaves, until the cucumber turns slightly opaque. Add coconut milk and heat through.
Beetroot Pachadi
Lightly steam finely chopped beetroot. Grind together coconut and mustard seeds into a fine paste. Add this to yogurt together with chopped ginger, rock salt and curry leaves. Finally mix in the steamed beetroot.
Tip:Can also be made with bitter gourd or banana stem.

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An aromatic and idyllic weekend at the freshly brewed Tamara resort in Coorg Zac O'Yeah

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The independent cottages are shrouded in greenery
 
Coffee is everywhere at the Tamara, the newest coffee estate-turned-posh resort in a remote corner of Coorg. It grows around the rooms—strong Robusta nestling alongside the exclusive, hard-to-grow but flavourful Arabica. It’s in my cup, my own blend of plantation beans that I roasted and ground at the old coffee workers’ barrack that has been turned into a miniature coffee factory, coffee paraphernalia boutique and espresso bar, all in one. For the love of coffee, I’m in heaven.

The location is completely otherworldly: The approach begins with a rough drive on meandering Karnataka roads, through lushly forested valleys dotted with paddy fields and plantations, followed by the final, twisting, steep climb up the mountain. The hot season is in full swing elsewhere but here the valley below is swirling with mysterious mist and, later in the day, there’s a short but refreshing thunderstorm. Other than that, it’s quiet. Because of the precarious height of 3,560 feet, children under thirteen are not allowed. So all you get is birdsong in the daytime, insects and frogs doing a choral performance at night.
After a bit of freshening up in my gorgeous pinewood cabin facing a dramatic view down the wooded hillside (all rooms have views but I’m told 112 has the greatest), I head uphill for lunch in the majestically situated, über-stylish The Falls (Bar Attached). The restaurant overlooks a hypnotic blur of gently swaying treetops and has a glass dance floor. A lavish repast of photogenic food awaits me: top-class tamarind rasam, fish skewers and superb prawn bisque followed by Coorg-style seer fish served with paputtu, an utterly delicious rice and coconut cake to mop up the curry with, alongside a lovely local lime pickle, sweet and tangy. This is followed by, honestly, the best cuppa filter coffee I have ever tasted—home-grown Robusta without chicory, I am told.

The contemporary interiors of a Luxury Cottage
While on the subject of food: the restaurant is all-round and the chef knows his cuisines. So say if you’re from Andhra Pradesh and must have chilli chicken with sufficient spice levels, he’ll oblige, while a Mangalorean, I’m assured, will not have to go without his kori gassi. For the adventurous, there are international cuisines such as Thai and Mexican, and I really loved the delicately spiced, cheesy quesadillas with a stuffing of zucchini, which were served with homemade salsa.
But it’s really the nature experience that rules. The resort is spread over a vast 170-acre coffee and spice plantation with waterfalls, picnic spots, dammed ponds and gardens of organic vegetables. The overall layout makes the best use of the natural features. All the new buildings, I am told, are made of sturdy Canadian pinewood and, despite their cosmopolitan provenance, blend in well with the trees and the older plantation buildings. The ancient estate bungalow is in the process of being turned into a spa with sauna, there’s an outdoor yoga space and an in-house yoga teacher from Kerala, and the coffee-drying terraces serve as tennis and basketball courts. If you’re more into adventure, a trekking guide will help you scale the next-door peak of Manje Motte—the Yellow Hill—that stands at 5,400 feet. If you’d like a gentler adventure, book a pre-breakfast birdwatching session with the in-house naturalist. With his assistance, I spotted dozens of species, including parakeets, bulbuls, warblers, flycatchers and even a brahminy kite.

The hotel’s lounge bar, The Deck, offers open-air dining
Alongside, the area has interesting sights—history buffs can go to the Nalaknad Palace where the last raja of Coorg made his final stand against the British; wildlife enthusiasts can make daytrips to Nagarhole NP or the Dubare Elephant Camp; the hill station of Madikeri, with its fort and quaint bazaars (shop for coffee, honey, pepper, cardamom and homemade wines in strange flavours) is an hour’s drive off. For a spiritual experience, the source of the Cauvery river is near Bagamandala, or you can drive to Bylakuppe’s Tibetan settlement to view the Golden Buddha and eat momos.
Or just stay put and stroll among the coffee bushes with the affable planter Arun Poovaiah. Mr Poovaiah told me everything I wanted to know about plantations, showed me the raw coffee berries and explained the difference between various qualities. I can’t say that I graduated with a plantation-management degree, but it was the most fascinating afternoon in my coffee-addicted life. After hanging around the espresso machine, churning out my own fresh-roasted, hand-ground espressos with Mr Poovaiah and the resort’s brewmaster, Mr Muthanna, discussing subjects like how much it would cost me to buy my own plantation and what would be the ideal size (five acres, they agreed), I like to think of myself as a caffeine aficionado rather than an addict.
That is the most fascinating thing about Tamara—it is both a slice-of-paradise resort and a Garden of Eden-style working farm. They even have their own milk cows. And did I mention the rooms? The all-pinewood cabins are laid out in pairs along a private serpentine road and seem to float in thin air above the treetops; the view is like a 3D panoramic painting in hues of green. At an altitude of 3,700 feet, there are thirty open-plan Luxury Cottages on stilts (essentially studio apartments of 660 sq ft each), equipped with French coffee presses, writing desks and wi-fi on the house, coffee table with embedded chess board and everything else that you’d expect (such as HD-LCD). In addition, there are six Suite Cottages that are bigger (992 sq ft) and higher at 3,800 ft. The three ultra-luxury Eden Lotus Suites under construction will be vast two-bedroom, 1,839 sq ft villas with sitting rooms and outdoor jacuzzis.
The room rate may appear steep, but then it includes the aforementioned lavish repasts and it’s almost worth it for the coffee alone. Okay, so I’m possibly biased because the setting obviously adds flavour to the coffee, but honestly, how much would you shell out for the perfect cuppa?
***
The Information
  • Location Kabbinakad Estate, Napoklu Nad, Yavakapadi Village, Madikeri Taluk, Kodagu; about 100km from nearest railway station, Mysore.
  • Accommodation 30 Luxury Cottages, 6 Suite Cottages, 3 Eden Lotus Cottages (under construction); additional rooms are being built and the resort is expected to comprise some 56 rooms in all
  • Tariff Rs 18,000 (Luxury Cottage), Rs 20,000 (Suite Cottage), including taxes and meals
  • Contact 8884000040, thetamara.com
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Shabnam Minwalla sets out in search of a holiday at the Divan’s Bungalow in Ahmedabad—and finds no ‘hotel’ there Shabnam Minwalla

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The moment I receive the email saying that I’ve been booked into the Iftikhar Khana in Divan’s Bungalow, I know this is a hotel with a story to tell.Divan’s Bungalow is a new addition to Neemrana’s chain of heritage properties. It’s situated in Ahmedabad’s old walled city and seems to fit right in with the Neemrana culture of “non-hotels”. This is apparent the moment I land in Ahmedabad, when the tourist taxi driver declares he has never heard of Divan’s Bungalow. He looks even more puzzled when I read out the address—and spends the rest of the fumey drive arguing that Raikhad is an unlikely location for a new hotel. Finally we reach our destination and encounter goats, barbers’ shops, a sherwani boutique, a printing press and a couple of warehouses. But no hotel. Even the usually omniscient paanwalas look perplexed by our question.
In fact, we actually drive past the dazzlingly white mansion tucked away behind high walls and glorious bougainvillea because there is no signboard on the gate. When I ask the driver about the spruce structure, so out of place amidst its grimy neighbours, he merely shrugs and says, “Some rich man’s bungalow.”
He’s right, in a way. This was, after all, for much of its life the bungalow of the Divan of Radhanpur and still retains the air of a grand family home.

The reception area sits in a corner of an opulent formal drawing room
As soon as I step into the rectangular, red-tiled courtyard—enveloped by the three arms of the mansion—a sense of peace descends. The tootling rickshaws and suicidal tempos recede, and in their place are chirruping sparrows and lacy creepers. The stern geometry of the enclosure is relieved by a cool, green fountain, curvy flowerbeds and lush trees. The mansion is decorated with floral plasterwork, two wooden jharokhas, inviting verandas and bright stained glass.
I’m still not entirely sure I’m in the right place—and the confusion is heightened when I step through an open door into a gracious room strung with mismatching handi lamps and jewel-toned chandeliers. The carved sofas, tiled sideboards and carpets possess the sort of careless beauty usually found in the houses of grand great aunts.
The old gentleman and lady sitting in a corner don’t look like any hotel receptionists I’ve ever met. But then the man smiles and introduces himself as the Manager of Divan’s Bungalow, Ganshyam Patel. The lady in the polyester saree is Kokila Patel, his wife and the hotel’s Executive Housekeeping Supervisor. Within moments, Mr Patel offers a warm welcome, cool nimbu pani and, of course, the long anticipated story.
Hanging above our heads and framed in ornate silver is the portrait of Sayed Bavamiyan Kadri, the Divan of Radhanpur, who built this house eighty years ago. His son, M.B. Kadri, was the first Muslim mayor of Ahmedabad and was known for his social work. For years, the house was a busy hub, packed with visitors and dignitaries. Not to mention M.B. Kadri’s large family.
“I was born in that house,” recalls his son Iftikhar Kadri, a famous Mumbai architect and father-in-law of actor Suniel Shetty. “We were many siblings and it was the perfect house to grow up in. Till my mother died twenty-five years ago, it was our family home and I have a lot of affection for it. But my children have no associations with it and I was afraid they would eventually demolish it and build a hospital or something.”

Clockwise from left: jharokha of a first-floor suite; a quaint bedroom; a peaceful veranda
So I.M. Kadri felt the best way to preserve his beloved home was to convert it into a hotel—and he approached Neemrana. And a forgotten mansion in a notoriously “sensitive” part of Ahmedabad became an elegant heritage hotel.
Signs of loving restoration are everywhere. The rooms are named after family members. Beautiful wall hangings—based on old masterpieces—have been specially block-printed for the hotel. Invaluable but eccentric pieces of furniture lend each room its distinctive character.
So Zubeida Khana has high beds with a little stepped platform. Siraj Khana on the first floor has comfortable baithaks tucked into the jharokhas. My own suite, Iftikhar Khana—which comprises a little dressing room, a bedroom and a large sitting room—is furnished with quaint what-nots and velvet-upholstered chairs.
The complimentary breakfast is served in the leafy inner courtyard and involves generous quantities of juice, fruits, toast, eggs and a traditional Gujarati dish, like poha. Guests can also order lunch or dinner, which are served in an elegant dining room filled with chandeliers and curios.
For my lunch, Kokila-ben whipped up a wonderful dal—that distinctive sweetish version that can only really be sampled in Gujarati households. She served this with a dry aloo bhaji and an unusual dish of stuffed parwal and fresh green salad.
Divan’s Bungalow has two separate kitchens. Kokila-ben presides over the vegetarian section, while Sohana Banu is summoned whenever a guest requests non-vegetarian fare. After some discussion, Sohana Banu—whose father used to work for the Kadris—decided on a light khatta gosht for me. The meal was topped off with a delicate doodh paak. Although expensive by Ahmedabad standards, the lunch was very enjoyable because of its authentic, home-cooked character and grand setting.
Admittedly, Divan’s Bungalow is not a hotel for those who expect hushed silence, an army of neat bellboys and an upmarket location. If, however, you are the kind who likes to explore little winding staircases, Chinese patterned tiles and unexpected graves; to while away a morning in a shady inner courtyard and watch the bulbuls flap and madhumalti bloom; to wander through intriguing little alleys, then Divan’s Bungalow is the perfect “non-hotel” for you.

The Information
  • Location Divan’s Bungalow, Opposite Gaikwad Haveli, M.B. Kadri Marg, Raikhad II. About 45 minutes from the airport and 20 minutes from the railway station
  • Accommodation Three rooms and five suites, all overlooking the courtyard
  • Tariff Rs 4,000 (rooms), Rs 5,000 (most suites) and Rs 6,000 (first-floor suite with jharokhas), including breakfast. Lunch and dinner Rs 450 and Rs 550 per head
  • Contact 09179-25355428, divans-bungalow.neemranahotels.com
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UK Deputy PM’s awareness not on genocide

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[TamilNet, Wednesday, 15 May 2013, 22:41 GMT]
When Liberal Democratic MP, Simon Hughes questioned UK Prime Minister’s decision to participate Sri Lanka CHOGM, the Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg, replied in the British Parliament on Wednesday, “We are all aware that the decision […] is controversial, especially in the light of the despicable human rights violations during the recent civil war.” But according to the Deputy PM, consequences could be expected only when violations continue in ways of political trials, regular assaults on legal professionals, suppression of press freedom, and in the non-implementation of the LLRC recommendations. It is exactly this reduction, twist and pretended unawareness of the UK that is in complicity with Sri Lanka’s genocide. Worse than that is the pretended unawareness seen in a section of the diaspora ‘lobbyists’ when it comes to the treachery of the West, commented Tamil political observers.


Simon Huges, Nick Clegg
Simon Hughes and Nick Clegg
While the diaspora Tamil lobbyists of the Western Establishments paint a picture of support coming from the West for ‘international investigations’ of war crimes, and argue that it is the way forward, the British Deputy Prime Minister's ‘concern’ was reduced to “political trials” by Sri Lanka.

Even the questioner, Simon Hughes has reduced the issue to mere ‘human rights’, without even specifying whether it is individual human rights of every individual in the island or collective human rights of Eezham Tamils as a nation that is primarily the issue.

Every one now try to project and deal with the issue, as it is something common to the whole of the island – another subtle way of detracting the plight of the Eezham Tamil nation offended by all of them.

The LLRC recommendations being the roadmap for the structural genocide of the nation of Eezham Tamils and the annihilation of the territorial identity of their nation forever, is well known to those who have carefully perused the recommendations.

In this respect, the LLRC recommendations are even worse than New Delhi’s original 13th Amendment provisions, many Tamil activists argue.

The repeated references coming from the USA and the UK, upholding the LLRC recommendations have to be the foremost target to counter by any Tamil politician, activist or lobbyist “against genocide.” But, a particular section of them miserably failed in denouncing the LLRC deception getting international status by the US-tabled resolutions at Geneva, commented Eezham Tamil activists for alternative politics in the island.

* * *


The text of the question by LD parliamentarian Simon Hughes and the reply by Deputy PM Nich Clegg follows:

Simon Hughes (Bermondsey and Old Southwark) (LD):
I have to tell my friend that I cannot support the decision of the Prime Minister to go to the Commonwealth Heads of Government conference in Sri Lanka because of the human rights record of the Sri Lankan Government. What can the Deputy Prime Minister tell us about how we can respond to that terrible regime’s record? What can we do to make sure that in future the Commonwealth does not just say it believes in human rights, but does something about it?

The Deputy Prime Minister:
We are all aware that the decision that the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary will attend the upcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in Sri Lanka is controversial, especially in the light of the despicable human rights violations during the recent civil war. But I assure my right hon. Friend that the Government condemn those violations, the way in which political trials, regular assaults on legal professionals and suppression of press freedom continue, and the fact that too many recommendations of the lessons learnt and reconciliation commission have not been implemented. If such violations continue, and if the Sri Lankan Government continue to ignore their international commitments in the lead up to the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting, of course there will be consequences.

Genocide of Tamils one of the worst mass killings in history: MPP Glen Murray

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[TamilNet, Tuesday, 14 May 2013, 23:52 GMT]
“The 40 000 plus killed in the Tamil genocide is one of the worst mass killings sanctioned by a state in history, ” stated Glen Murray, Member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) for Toronto Centre while hosting the third annual Tamil Memorial Tree Planting event on Saturday at Evergreen Brick Works, a community environmental centre. The Evergreen Brick Works houses the first memorial dedicated to the victims of the Tamil genocide and was erected in 2011 by Mr.Murray. The memorial remembers the events from Black July to Mu'l'livaikkaal and all trees are planted to create a memorial forest to honour the Tamil lives lost in the pursuit of justice and freedom, the organizers said. On the same day in a symbolic move Frank Scarpitti, the Mayor to Markham city unveiled a new street named after the Vanni, the region of the Tamil homeland which endured the brunt of the genocidal atrocities in 2009.

Mu'l'livaaykkaal Remembrance events in Canada 2013
Mu'l'livaaykkaal Remembrance events in Canada 2013
Mu'l'livaaykkaal Remembrance events in Canada 2013
Mu'l'livaaykkaal Remembrance events in Canada 2013
Mu'l'livaaykkaal Remembrance events in Canada 2013
Mu'l'livaaykkaal Remembrance events in Canada 2013
“This project started when we talked about what brought us to Canada. In the case of Tamils it was escaping oppression, marginalization and genocide. The 40 000 plus killed in the Tamil genocide is one of the worst mass killings sanctioned by a state in history”, stated Glen Murray while recapping on why the event is held annually.

Mr.Murray drew comparisons to other communities who had suffered similarly to emphasize the importance of not only remembering but also continuing to fight.

He went on to further say, “The reason and goal of planting tens of thousands of trees is to remember all those lives lost, and this future forest can be a symbolic representation of those people. As we lay down new roots, we hope this will continue to be a living memorial, so we don’t forget. It is how we resolve that the Sri Lankan government did not win.”

Addressing the crowd of participants, Krisna Saravanamuttu from the National Council of Canadian Tamils affirmed that, “In the years to come we will make this park into a living testament to our commitment to freedom, justice, dignity and the rights of nations to self-determination."

He further stated that, "We come here every year to not just remember the dead but to reaffirm our roots in the struggle. We come here to strengthen our collective commitment to fighting for Tamil justice and freedom. From South Africa, to Northern Ireland, to Algeria, the common denominator for peace and justice was an ever-evolving resistance and building international solidarity. The root causes that led to the war have intensified through a protracted genocide manifested through occupation, colonization and ethnic cleansing. When the so called international community refuses to address the root cause of the ongoing genocide our only course of action in the coming year is grassroots struggle."

In concluding the event Mr.Murray encouraged everyone to join him in attending the annual large-scale mobilization by the Tamil community to remember the Tamil genocide on May 18th.

Earlier in the day Mayor Frank Scarpitti and Councillor Logan Kanapathi along with other members of Markham City Council hosted the official unveiling of ‘Vanni Street’ to the public.

This move is seen by the Tamil community to carry symbolic significance as the region of the Vanni suffered the brunt of the genocidal atrocities being committed on the Tamil nation.

Thanking Councillor Kanapathi and Markham city, Neethan Shan, Eezham Tamil activist and President of the Ontario New Democratic Party- commented that, “It serves as a beautiful symbol that recognizes the economic, political, social and cultural development of Tamils in Canada. In addition, it is definitely a symbol of our resistance, as it counteracts the attempts by the Sri Lankan state to erase the history of the Tamils through a concerted cultural genocide.

“Along with all the other reasons, I strongly feel that Vanni Street will function as a symbol for remembering all the victims of the genocide as well as the many tens of thousands of Tamils who have sacrificed their lives for our freedom,” he added.

Amma Unavagam menu expanded, to come up in nine more cities

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The budget restaurants which are functioning in 200 wards in Chennai, will now be extended to other 9 municipal corporation limits across Tamil Nadu. File photo: R. Ragu
The Hindu
 
 
The budget restaurants which are functioning in 200 wards in Chennai, will now be extended to other 9 municipal corporation limits across Tamil Nadu. File photo: R. Ragu
Frugal fare at nominal prices, but manna for those living on shoestring budgets: Amma Unavagam, which has proved to be a hit with Chennai residents, will shortly reach nine other cities.
Budget restaurants that serve one-rupee idlis and sell low-cost plates of sambar and curd rice for lunch, will come up in Madurai, Tiruchi, Coimbatore, Tirunelveli, Salem, Tirupur, Tuticorin, Vellore and Erode by the end of this month.
These nine municipal corporations will have 10 restaurants each, Chief Minister Jayalalithaa informed the Assembly on Wednesday. And the fare in Chennai is set to expand too. The menu of Amma Unavagams in Chennai will include pongal, variety rice preparations, besides chapathi served with kurma. These budget canteens now function in 200 wards in Chennai, where idli is sold for one rupee, sambar rice for Rs 3 and curd rice for Rs 3. Breakfast is available from 7 am and 12 noon. Lunch will be served till 3 pm.
Following requests for providing varying fare, the canteens will serve pongal and sambar for Rs 5 in the morning and tamarind rice or curry leaf rice during lunch for Rs 5. As it will take some time to procure chapathi-making machines, the dish will make its entry only in September. Two chapathis with dhal or kurma will cost just Rs.3.
 
the hindu.com

1,000-year-old Chola-era temple facing threat of demolition G. Srinivasan

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The 1000 year-old Naganathasamy temple built by Rajendra Cholan. Photo: B. Velankanni Raj
The 1000 year-old Naganathasamy temple built by Rajendra Cholan. Photo: B. Velankanni Raj

Road under the Thanjavur-Vikkiravandi four-way project to be expanded

A 1,000-year-old Siva temple at Manambadi village near Kumbakonam is facing the threat of demolition for expansion of a road under the Thanjavur-Vikkiravandi four-way project of the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI).
The State government's Archaeology Department declared it a protected monument 30 years ago but neglected it, leaving the temple’s vimana in a dilapidated condition and enveloped by creepers. The stone structure below the vimana, with intricate sculptures, and the sanctum sanctorum with a Siva lingam are intact.
The temple has an entrance without a gopuram. The prahara has flower plants. A broken compound wall is also around the temple.
The NHAI has now decided to demolish this temple for widening the highway and has already marked the portion to be demolished. While the compound wall on the northern side, the Amman temple and the Chandikeswarar temple will be demolished, the road will come very close to the main structure, which may result in its falling apart once the road is put to use.
The people of the village, historians and archaeologists have opposed the move and appealed to the State government and NHAI to divert the road project to the extreme northern side of the temple, sparing the structure and protecting the monument.
According to Kudavayil Balasubramanian, epigraphist and historian, this temple was constructed by Rajendra Chola (1012-1044 AD). During Chola rule, the village was called ‘Elaichikudi’, and ‘Veeranarayanapuram’. The temple’s name was ‘Sri Kailasam’.
“This temple possesses more than ten inscriptions of the Chola period. Some of the sculptures on the walls of the main structure are those of Nataraja, which is an outstanding one. Another sculpture depicting Rajendra Chola worshipping the Lord with his wives is seen. Other sculptures depict Ganapathi, Dakshinamurthy, Ligotpava, Vishnu, Brahma, Gangadharamurthy, Durga and Arthanari. Among Chola sculptures, they are the unique ones,” Balasubramanian said.
In a memorandum to the Chief Minister Jayalalithaa and NHAI, Mr. Balasubramanian pleaded for steps to stop the demolition of the temple. “The irony is that the 1,000th year celebration of the coronation of Rajendra Chola, son of Raja Raja Chola, will take place in 2014. The demolition of a temple constructed by him will be shameful for the entire Tamil community,” Mr. Balasubramanian said in his letter.
 
the hindu.com

IPL rocked by arrest of Sreesanth, 2 others for spot-fixing PTI

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Rajasthan Royals' S Sreesanth celebrating the wicket of Daredevils' Unmukt Chand during an IPL match. Sreesanth has been arrested by the Delhi police on the charges of spot fixing. File Photo.
PTI Rajasthan Royals' S Sreesanth celebrating the wicket of Daredevils' Unmukt Chand during an IPL match. Sreesanth has been arrested by the Delhi police on the charges of spot fixing. File Photo.
In a sensational development, Indian paceman S Sreesanth and two of his Rajasthan Royals teammates Ajit Chandila and Ankeet Chavan were arrested by the Delhi police on the charges of spot fixing in the ongoing Indian Premier League.
The special cell of the Delhi police arrested Sreesanth from his friend’s place in Mumbai while the other two cricketers were arrested last night from the team hotel at Nariman Point for their alleged role in spot fixing.
The arrest took place immediately after the players returned to their team hotel, following their match against Mumbai Indians at Wankhede stadium. The hosts won by 14 runs.
The Delhi police source said that these players were under the scanner for their role in spot fixing in some of the earlier IPL match although they did not elaborate which matches were under scrutiny.
The police have also arrested seven bookies in Mumbai and three bookies in Delhi in connection with the same case. They are looking for two more bookies in Delhi.
The development comes as a shock for the IPL authorities who have time and again grappled with controversies and scandals ever since the league was launched in 2008.
IPL Chairman Rajiv Shukla said he was awaiting details on the incident.
Rajasthan Royals CEO Raghu Iyer said that the three players were picked up by Delhi police last night and the team management was co-operating with the investigation.
“Rajasthan Royals has zero tolerance for corruption and we will take action, if charges are proved,” he said.
Rajasthan Royals also issued a statement in which they said that they are shocked by the development.
“We have been informed that three of our players have been called in for investigation on spot fixing in matches. We are completely taken by surprise. We do not have the full facts at this point and are unable to confirm anything.
“We are in touch with the BCCI on this matter. We will fully cooperate with the authorities to ensure a thorough investigation. The management at Rajasthan Royals has a zero-tolerance approach to anything that is against the spirit of the game,” the statement said.
 
BL

Chennai-born Mittu Chandilya to pilot AirAsia India BL

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Picture of Mittu Chandilya tweeted by AirAsia’s chief executive and founder Tony Fernandes.
Picture of Mittu Chandilya tweeted by AirAsia’s chief executive and founder Tony Fernandes.
 
Mumbai, May 15:  
After days of speculation, AirAsia’s Founder Tony Fernandes has finally lifted the veil on the “smart boy from the South, Madras” who will take the new airline —AirAsia India — to the skies.
The board of AirAsia India has appointed Singapore-based management consultant Mittu Chandilya to head the India operations of the company. Fernandes announced this through his official Twitter handle on Wednesday.
“I am pleased to announce the board of AirAsia India has appointed Mittu Chandilya as CEO of AirAsia India. Mittu is coming home to change Indian travel and make it affordable for all Indians to fly,” tweeted Fernandes.
Chandilya, 32, was earlier head of service practices for Asia-Pacific at Egon Zehnder International, an advisory firm with more than 420 consultants spread across 40 countries. He was a core member of the company that focused on advisory leadership in aviation, travel and hospitality, industrial, resources, clean tech and the energy practices.
A native of Chennai, Chandilya holds an MBA degree from the graduate business school INSEAD in France and from Tsinghua University, Beijing.
Recently, the Civil Aviation Minister Ajit Singh had sought clarifications from AirAsia on the name of the new CEO.
Last month, the Government cleared AirAsia’s proposal to invest about Rs 80 crore to launch a domestic passenger airline jointly with Tata Sons Ltd. AirAsia, along with Tata Sons and Arun Bhatia of Telestra Tradeplace, has formed a 49:30:21 joint venture to start the airline in India that will be headquartered in Chennai.
Kapil Kaul, Chief Executive Officer Centre For Asia Pacific Aviation, said most of AirAsia’s top brass do not have aviation background. Incidentally, AirAsia promoter Tony Fernandes too had no aviation background when he started the low-cost airline.
nivedita.ganguly@thehindu.co.in
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